{"id":215511,"date":"2020-03-14T17:20:56","date_gmt":"2020-03-14T21:20:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/?p=215511"},"modified":"2020-03-14T17:20:56","modified_gmt":"2020-03-14T21:20:56","slug":"homeland-passion-and-democracy-of-national-symbols-in-cuba","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/columns\/our-life\/homeland-passion-and-democracy-of-national-symbols-in-cuba\/","title":{"rendered":"Homeland. Passion and democracy of national symbols in Cuba"},"content":{"rendered":"

In 2016 the magazine Revoluci\u00f3n y Cultura<\/em> (RyC<\/em>) \u00a0\u2015then directed by Luisa Campuzano and by an Advisory Council composed of Graziella Pogolotti, Ambrosio Fornet and Ant\u00f3n Arrufat\u2015 dedicated a dossier to the 130th anniversary of the abolition of slavery in Cuba. [1]<\/p>\n

\u201cHistorieta de un esclavo en Cuba,\u201d by Israel Castellanos Le\u00f3n, appeared among its pages. It is a montage of plastic works, accompanied by texts dedicated to slavery and its resistance. There you can see \u201cLa sangre negra de la historia\u201d (2014, mixed media, 150 x 60 cm), by Luis Manuel Otero Alc\u00e1ntara (LMOA). Manuel Mendive, Alberto Lescay and \u00c9douard Laplante are other artists participating in the material.<\/p>\n

That LMOA work is a Cuban flag. In its triangle, with a white background, names such as Jos\u00e9 Antonio Aponte, Quint\u00edn Banderas, Gustavo Urrutia, Mariana Grajales, Blas Roca, Carlota, Antonio Maceo and a long list of black and mestizo heroes of different ideological affiliations are written in red ink. The background of the work is a humble wall, typical of a common Cuban home, from which the flag hangs. The accompanying text belongs to Biography of a Runaway Slave<\/em>, by Miguel Barnet.<\/p>\n

Only five years after the RyC<\/em> dossier was published, voices from official institutions in the country \u2015the same as that magazine belongs to\u2015 have taken away from LMOA any status as an \u201cartist.\u201d<\/p>\n

The artivist<\/em> has been prosecuted \u2015with a request for sentences of between two and five years\u2015 on charges of violating the National Symbols Law and damaging state property under the Penal Code. A few days ago, for the moment, the trial has been suspended<\/a>.<\/p>\n

The first of these accusations has more public information than the second. The \u201coutrage\u201d that his performances represent for the flag that use it in daily and intimate situations, such as covering oneself with it to go to the bathroom or lying on it on the sand at a beach, has been cited. Certainly, they are unorthodox uses of the symbol.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

The national flag: resistance and heterodoxy<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ironically, the national flag also has its own history of heterodoxy.<\/p>\n

First raised in New York, it was conceived by Venezuelan general and freemason Narciso L\u00f3pez. In 1848 L\u00f3pez had hired mercenaries among veterans of the Mexican war for a project to rid Cuba of Spanish colonial rule. He offered them, according to Lisandro P\u00e9rez, the regular pay of the U.S. Army, in addition to promising them future ownership of land in Cuba.<\/p>\n

In 1850 an expedition under his command would land through C\u00e1rdenas, this time already in the midst of conflicts with the Cuban annexationists in New York. On that occasion \u2014for which L\u00f3pez sought support from southern slaveowners in the United States\u2014 the flag arrived in Cuba. The Constitution that L\u00f3pez brought with him also affirmed that Cuba should be a Republic, but was silent about slavery.<\/p>\n

The Venezuelan died executed by the colonial power in search of what Emeterio Santovenia called \u201cthe international sovereignty of Cuba.\u201d Jorge Quintana defended that \u201che was not a filibuster, but a patriot.\u201d Herminio Portell Vil\u00e1 dedicated three volumes to demonstrate that he was not an annexationist. However, the label of \u201cannexationist\u201d still haunts L\u00f3pez to this day, although recognized patriots were in his circle.<\/p>\n

Cirilo Villaverde, author of Cecilia Vald\u00e9s<\/em>, explained the original content of that flag: the three blue stripes represented the regions of Cuba, and the two white ones are the \u201csymbol of the purity of the intentions of independent republicans.\u201d<\/p>\n

Emilia Casanova received virulent condemnations for her heterodox political life: she founded the first Cuban Women’s League and is the pioneer of Cuban diplomacy, in addition to having sewn countless flags with her hands. Those who condemned her preferred the destruction of Cuba to a Cuba with Emilia Casanova. Ana Cairo Ballester saw in her the \u201cdignity of Cuban women\u201d as well as a \u201cchallenging paradigm of republicanism.\u201d<\/p>\n

Domingo Goicur\u00eda shared the works of Narciso L\u00f3pez. He was persecuted and imprisoned. He came ready for the war of 1868. In prison, he did not seek \u2014worthy among the worthy\u2014 defense when judged by a verbal council of war. The oral memory would tell that, on the way to the gallows, he assured that the statue of Carlos III would be replaced by that of C\u00e9spedes. Before dying, he would have said: \u201cA man dies, but a people is born!\u201d<\/p>\n

He was right: everything that can be called \u201cthe Cuban people\u201d \u2015the class, racial, cultural, regional exchanges that it implies, as well as its political constitution as a subject\u2015 was not born in beautiful colonial houses or in humble huts. It was born in what that people called the redeeming scrubland<\/em>, the Cuban political city of the 19th century, which developed democratic citizenship as an egalitarian.<\/p>\n

The flag of the \u201cannexationist\u201d became a sign of nationalism. It represented the greatest conceivable heterodoxy at the time: the libertarian, anti-colonial and anti-slavery Republic. The newspaper La Revoluci\u00f3n<\/em>, from New York, would add content to the meaning of its triangle (1870): \u201cOne of its sides is Liberty, another is Equality, and the third is Fraternity. The base of the Cuban triangle is the Republic; the vertex the abolition of slavery.\u201d The same flag that came from C\u00e1rdenas later covered Francisco Vicente Aguilera’s coffin, which Mart\u00ed called the \u201cFather of the Republic.\u201d<\/p>\n

The democratic meanings of the war \u2014egalitarian character, defense of social rights, anti-racism, appreciation of the Law and order\u2014 marked the democratic uses of the flag that became the flag of all Cubans.<\/p>\n

The testimonies of devotion to her are as infinite as fair.<\/p>\n

That flag vindicated the heterodoxies of the right of resistance and the inclusion of everyone embodied in the nation and represented personal, national and social freedom. That\u2019s why it is a national flag, not a party flag. Without the continued exercise of those values, it is just a piece of cloth. Homeland is a very demanding political passion. It is a democratic passion when defending those values.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

The democratic meaning of patriotism<\/strong><\/p>\n

From another side of patriotism, Gonzalo Casta\u00f1\u00f3n \u2014the alleged desecration of his grave triggered the execution of the medical students (1871) \u2015 could say that Spanish soldiers, and especially volunteers, \u201cdie for the [Spanish] homeland and that their memory will never be erased from our hearts.\u201d<\/p>\n

Verses of colonialist soldiers shared this sense: \u201cIn the Plaza de Matanzas\/ I met a black man, he told me; Long live Cuba\/and I shot him.\/\/Because of the little confidence we have in that people,\/ we Spaniards do\/as blacks do to us.\u201d The book that collects them is titled Amor por la patria<\/em>.<\/p>\n

It is also a concept of homeland. It is the ethnic, racialized homeland, focused on biology, language, inheritance. The conservative homeland. The excluding homeland of improper emotion, of reason without dialogue. That of freedom as a privilege of sect.<\/p>\n

It was the homeland committed to colonialism and then to Francoism: \u201cthe peoples of America,\u201d Franco would say in 1939, \u201care born of our same lineage, formed in the same faith, educated in our same language and therefore participants of the same culture.\u2026\u201d<\/p>\n

It was the \u201cGerman homeland\u201d of Hitler and Goebbels: \u201cWe are going to fight for the preservation of the existence and development of our race and our people, the food of their children and the maintenance of pure blood, freedom and the independence of the homeland….\u201d<\/p>\n

It was the homeland of Stalinist Russification, another form of official patriotism. It is the xenophobic homeland of Trump, who shouts \u201cgo back to your country\u201d to a Latina born in the Bronx.<\/p>\n

Those homelands are daughters of despotism. Democratic patriotism does the opposite. Find the homeland where you are free.<\/p>\n

It is patriotism that Jos\u00e9 Mart\u00ed expressly defended: \u201cThey say that the separation from Cuba would be the division of the homeland. It would be so if the homeland were that sordid and selfish idea of \u200b\u200bdomination and greed.\u201d It was also that of Heredia: \u201cFrom my homeland\/under the cloudless sky\/I could not resolve to be a slave\/nor consent that everything in nature\/was noble and happy except man.\u201d It was also that of Villaverde, for whom the patriotism of his character Leonardo Gamboa was only \u201cplatonic,\u201d since it was not based, as it should be, on the feeling of duty or on the knowledge of rights as a citizen and as a free man. It was, in the same vein, that of Calixto Garc\u00eda: \u201cWhen you are going to be a citizen of a free people, it is necessary to respect the laws and exercise the virtues from the battlefields.\u201d<\/p>\n

That is, patriotism is democratic when it is a political passion for freedom.<\/p>\n

It was those cosmopolitan \u2015universal, therefore democratic\u2015 ideas about the country. Such was the homeland of the Jacobins: \u201cThe war we are waging is not a war between king and king or between nation and nation; it is a war of freedom against despotism. There is no doubt that we will be victorious. A just and free nation is invincible.\u201d It was Marx\u2019s idea of \u200b\u200b \u201cthe workers have no homeland,\u201d of Kant’s cosmopolitanism, or that of Mart\u00ed\u2019s \u201chomeland is humanity.\u201d It was this meaning that Roberto Salas defended when he placed the flag of the July 26 Revolutionary Movement on the crown of the Statue of Liberty in New York (1957), which became a symbol of the Cuban underground revolutionary struggle.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Photo: Julio C\u00e9sar Guanche.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The homeland, a common good<\/strong><\/p>\n

LMOA’s recent performances with the flag are consistent with that piece of his in RyC<\/em>. At that time no one questioned his status as an artist. Both are statements about the flag as a common good, about the homeland that belongs to everyone, with diverse political marks, but without ideological, class, or racial monopolies.<\/p>\n

In any case, they should be judged as art \u2014bad art, if it were\u2014 but it is a mistake to draw punitive consequences based on their perceived literal meanings. Art critics, such as David Mateo, or artists, such as Cirenaica Moreira, have brought order to the branches of that forest. More than error, it is a horror to turn art critics into criminal law judges.<\/p>\n

There are doors that cannot be opened.<\/p>\n

Being against LMOA’s incarceration is not the same as sharing his political agenda. His work can be very interesting, or not; in bad taste or with civic substance; but that\u2019s not what\u2019s important here.<\/p>\n

What should interest us are central questions that his case brings to the fore: how pluralism and difference are processed in Cuba, how resistance is exercised against what is experienced as unfair, what is the legitimate space to dissent, what right we have to participate in the public space, what should be the width \u2015the virtue\u2015 of the patriotism that we want to defend in the homeland that we want to live.<\/p>\n

We should also be interested in the right to dissent from the LMOA political agenda without being slandered for it. Opposition to an injustice does not justify the \u201canything goes\u201d advocated by currents of opinion contrary to the Cuban government, and which operate with the same \u201cwith me or against me\u201d that they claim to contest. We should be interested in the country being an altar stone, not a tribe.<\/p>\n

The right to freedom of expression follows from the idea of \u200b\u200bhomeland as a heroism of freedom. That right is of interest, but other rights should also be of interest to us. The preference for ownership exercised in common over private property also follows from this idea of \u200b\u200bhomeland. Love for the municipality as an essential form of political life. The passion for Law, for its democratic elaboration and for its universal compliance, without selectiveness. The devotion to civil and political equality. The demand for freedom of the other as a condition of possibility of freedom itself. Fidelity and loyalty to the norms and institutions that make us free. The appreciation of pluralism. The cult of the full dignity of man. The homeland with all and for the good of all.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Note:<\/strong><\/p>\n

[1] Revoluci\u00f3n y Cultura<\/em>, No. 2, April-June, 2016.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In 2016 the magazine Revoluci\u00f3n y Cultura (RyC) \u00a0\u2015then directed by Luisa Campuzano and by an Advisory Council composed of Graziella Pogolotti, Ambrosio Fornet and Ant\u00f3n Arrufat\u2015 dedicated a dossier to the 130th anniversary of the abolition of slavery in Cuba. [1] \u201cHistorieta de un esclavo en Cuba,\u201d by Israel Castellanos Le\u00f3n, appeared among its […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":80,"featured_media":215512,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[17953],"tags":[9713,8863],"ppma_author":[33569,17952],"class_list":["post-215511","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-our-life","tag-cuban-people","tag-cuban-society"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nHomeland. 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Passion and democracy of national symbols in Cuba | OnCubaNews English","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/columns\/our-life\/homeland-passion-and-democracy-of-national-symbols-in-cuba\/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/columns\/our-life\/homeland-passion-and-democracy-of-national-symbols-in-cuba\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/03\/bandera-1-1.jpg","datePublished":"2020-03-14T21:20:56+00:00","author":{"@id":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/4f1a29152c3ffe008e93d35637c06d81"},"description":"That flag vindicated the heterodoxies of the right of resistance and the inclusion of everyone embodied in the nation and represented personal, national and social freedom. 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