{"id":221503,"date":"2020-05-20T19:08:25","date_gmt":"2020-05-20T23:08:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/?p=221503"},"modified":"2020-05-20T19:08:25","modified_gmt":"2020-05-20T23:08:25","slug":"finally-who-are-we-all-jose-marti-and-the-democratic-republic-in-cuba","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/columns\/our-life\/finally-who-are-we-all-jose-marti-and-the-democratic-republic-in-cuba\/","title":{"rendered":"Finally, who are we all? Jos\u00e9 Mart\u00ed and the democratic republic in Cuba"},"content":{"rendered":"

In February 1905 the statue of Jos\u00e9 Mart\u00ed, which to this day presides over Havana\u2019s Parque Central, was placed. A survey decided<\/a> which figure should appear on that pedestal, which had previously been that of Isabel II.<\/p>\n

For that celebration, the newspaper La Discusi\u00f3n<\/em> published a series of vignettes. In one of them, the character of \u201cEl Pueblo\u201d\u2015later it will be \u201cLiborio\u201d\u2015appears on the pedestal calling for a kind of \u201cphysical distancing,\u201d so demanded during these days of COVID-19.1<\/sup><\/p>\n

Other vignettes allude to a problem that has even become more viral: the uses and abuses of Mart\u00ed. In one of them, the Apostle appears saying: \u201cThe cordial republic…with all and for all.\u201d In another, a trail of waste refers to so much discourse given on his behalf.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

The phrase \u201cWith all, and for the good of all\u201d has been discussed since it was said by Mart\u00ed in a crucial speech given in Tampa,2<\/sup> until today. So much discussion is not rare: it is the most radical phrase in the history of Cuba.<\/p>\n

Since then, that speech\u2015which has taken that phrase as its usual title\u2015generated debates with veterans of the Great War. In 1910, the interested use of \u201cwith all, and for the good of all\u201d was described as the \u201cJordan of the Republic.\u201d In it, sectors once opposed to the Republic and its independence were \u201cwashing their hands\u201d and in the new context enjoyed control over national power and wealth.3<\/sup><\/p>\n

In 1932, Abela\u2019s character \u201cEl bobo\u201d asked the Master: \u201cOh, but\u2026did you say for all?\u201d Our days are full of no shortage of calls to \u201ccontextualize\u201d the phrase to specify who Mart\u00ed was referring to and thus justify exclusions, or to use it for the opposite: to demand inclusions.<\/p>\n

Given the diversity of uses of the phrase, it seems useful to return to the full content of that speech. Several elements are found in it, among them: the popular character of the republic, the prevention of tyranny, the plural composition of the people and human dignity\u2019s place in its project.<\/p>\n

Democratic republic vs oligarchic republic<\/strong><\/p>\n

One way to narrow the scope of the democratic version of republicanism is to limit it to an antimonarchical form of government, or, more contemporaneously, to a form of government that respects only limited institutional commitments.<\/p>\n

In the context of Cuban independence, republicanism was not reduced to the monarchy vs. republic. It was impossible to be a monarchist and participate in an anti-slavery fight. It was impossible to be monarchical and independent. Nor was it just a form of government. It meant a political, social, moral program, a proposal for how to organize society.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Independence patriots. At the center, standing, Antonio Maceo.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Thus, the central dilemma took shape around which was the aspired republic.<\/p>\n

Outwardly, the program of the democratic republic faced the reality of the \u201cfeudal and theoretical\u201d republics born from Latin American independence. Also, it questioned the (first) Spanish Republic, which maintained the bulk of the colonial monarchical policy towards Cuba.<\/p>\n

Ferm\u00edn Vald\u00e9s Dom\u00ednguez approached this conflict: \u201c\u2026in this, as in everything, the hand of the Madrid government is seen, which has Weyler as an instrument in Cuba.\u2026 He says he is a Republican and is one of those who with the Phrygian cap proclaimed the Republic and the following day Alfonso XII was acclaimed in the streets of Madrid and the distinctive red was set aside for the tavern or the brothel.\u201d4<\/sup><\/p>\n

Rafael Serra was consistent in defending the popular republic towards the interior of the independence camp: \u201cThrow the despot out of our homeland; and also fight and win against their sick traditions; purify customs; give rights and full guarantee to women; abolish privileges…establish equality; spread knowledge, and preserve justice in all its grandeur.\u201d5<\/sup><\/p>\n

Serra called those who defended this set of ideas \u201cthe extreme left of the separatist party.\u201d It was the revolutionary camp\u2019s radical bet. It is Mart\u00ed\u2019s bet.<\/p>\n

The popular character of the Republic and the prevention of tyranny<\/strong><\/p>\n

Mart\u00ed\u2019s thinking about social wealth, honest work and the democratic functions that ownership must fulfill, elaborates a comprehensive defense of the people\u2019s Republic.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Photo: Julio C\u00e9sar Guanche.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Mart\u00ed endorsed the \u201clove of man to property acquired through the work of his hands.\u201d6<\/sup> In a text dedicated to Heredia\u2014the exiled poet\u2014, Mart\u00ed speaks of land ownership as a common good: \u201cthat firmness of native soil, which is the only full property of man, and a common treasure that equals and enriches all, so that, for the crisis of the person and public calm, it should not be ceded, or entrusted to someone else, or ever mortgaged.\u201d7<\/sup><\/p>\n

A reading cites comment by Mart\u00ed on Herbert Spencer as the synthesis of his thought on socialism.8<\/sup> In order to relate it to Marx, mention is made exclusively of \u201cAs he sided with the weak, he deserves honor.\u201d9<\/sup> However, there is another area of \u200b\u200bhis thought, which is of interest to understand the proximity he maintained with socialist doctrines in his time.<\/p>\n

Mart\u00ed was consistent with this ideal: \u201che who depends on another to live is not free,\u201d shared, from Aristotle, by a wide area of \u200b\u200bpolitical thought. Cervantes, for example, placed it as being said by Don Quixote: \u201cFreedom, Sancho, is one of the most precious gifts that heaven gave to men\u2026 blessed is he to whom heaven gave a piece of bread, without being obliged to thank someone other than heaven itself!\u201d10<\/sup><\/p>\n

In this logic, the maintenance of a sphere of material personal independence is key in the political configuration of freedom. Mart\u00ed clearly stated this: \u201cThe greatness of the peoples depends on the independence of individuals. Joyful is the land on which each man owns and cultivates a piece of land.\u201d11<\/sup><\/p>\n

It is a classic ideal of republicanism. Nineteenth-century socialism made it its own, reworking it according to the needs of a context of industrial revolution. Marx defended it in Criticism of the Gotha Program<\/em>: \u201c\u2026the man who has no other property than his own labor force, in any social and cultural situation, must be the slave of other men, of those who have taken over ownership of the objective working conditions. He can only work with their permission, that is, he can only live with their permission.\u201d<\/p>\n

Robespierre also did it in the middle of the French Revolution. It wasn\u2019t necessary to be a Marxist or a Jacobin to do it. Paine and Jefferson also defended it. In the case of Mart\u00ed, it was acknowledgement of the ideal of social democracy of his time. In Cuban Marxism, figures like Mella and Roa thoroughly understood that content of Mart\u00ed.<\/p>\n

The \u201cApostle\u201d defended the distribution of property that would allow the \u201ccreation of many small landowners.\u201d12<\/sup> He exalted the \u201cnew abolitionists\u201d\u2015the 19th-century \u201cprogressives\u201d in the United States\u2015, \u201cthose who want to abolish private property in public assets.\u201d13<\/sup><\/p>\n

He was close to the ideas of Henry George and celebrated other \u201capostles\u201d: Swinton, Post and Powderly. These believed \u201cthat the nation, which is the name of the State of the guardian of common property, cannot give in dominion the land that belongs to all, and is necessary for all, but to be leased or loaned, and only for national uses.\u201d14<\/sup><\/p>\n

Mart\u00ed thus challenged the oligarchic connection between wealth and power\u2015the structure of what he called the \u201cCaesarian republic\u201d in the United States. \u201cRepublic,\u201d he said, \u201cis the people with the worker\u2019s tool (sic) on the right, and the freedom rifle on the left.\u201d15<\/sup><\/p>\n

The Tampa speech is explicit about such content. He claims to set \u201cthe table of thought next to that of breadwinning,\u201d and to close \u201c…the way to the republic that does not come prepared by means worthy of the decorum of man, for the good and prosperity of all Cubans!\u201d<\/p>\n

Social democracy is not just about economic justice. It has political ends: individual, social and national freedom. It is a resource to prevent the tyranny\u2015also republican and capitalist\u2015of the concentration of wealth. Mart\u00ed summed it up with great synthesis: \u201cthere is no other way to ensure freedom in the homeland and decorum in man than to promote public wealth. Property preserves the states. A despot cannot impose himself on a working people.\u201d16<\/sup><\/p>\n

People\u2019s diversity and its plural representation<\/strong><\/p>\n

In the Tampa speech Mart\u00ed outlines a beautiful portrait of the Cuban people. It is also comprehensive of its diversity.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>
Photo: Julio C\u00e9sar Guanche.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

In that speech he mentions a \u201clist\u201d of social subjects that make up the people in the struggle for freedom. He names the veterans of the Great War, whose command habits are no less than the \u201cadmirable concert of republican thought and (of) heroic action\u201d; to the many \u201cwho are barefoot\u201d; the \u201cgenerous black, the black brother\u201d; the \u201cSpanish who suffers, along with his Cuban wife, from the irremediable helplessness and the miserable future of the children\u201d; to the \u201cfirst martyrs (who) were men born in the marble and silk of fortune.\u201d17<\/sup><\/p>\n

With a class perspective, Mart\u00ed remembers how \u201cthis holy revolution\u201d brought together, by the redeeming virtue of just wars, the heroic firstborn and the farmer without inheritance (and) the owner of men and his slaves.\u201d It was an acknowledgment of the popular character of the war. From that war, as before the barracks, the Cuban people ended up being born.<\/p>\n

This people was constituted through politics based on social, class, ethnic, regional differences. It was not divided by categories such as \u201cgrateful and ungrateful,\u201d as it has been tried to establish to justify the tearing apart of who \u201cwe are all.\u201d In fact, Mart\u00ed demands protection, in that same speech, for the one who \u201c…was born in the same land as us, even though sin upsets him, or ignorance misleads him, or anger infuriates him, or crime bloodstains him!\u201d<\/p>\n

If the people are plural, they must be politically represented in a different way. In such a search, Mart\u00ed strongly contested the corruption of the vote, the dependence of the electors on the elected, and any other restriction of the independence of the voters. He was thus opposed to the rampant corruption of the vote\u2015its buying and selling\u2015but also to clientelism and factionalism. He thought that where there was freedom in voting, citizens voted, if on the contrary \u201ctoday, when they see how the vote is marketed, they do not vote.\u201d18<\/sup><\/p>\n

For the same reason, he was concerned with \u201cennobling\u201d the suffrage: \u201cNeither should the good rider let go of his horse\u2019s reins; nor the free man of his rights. It is true that it is more comfortable to be directed than to be directed; but it is also more dangerous.\u201d19<\/sup> Mart\u00ed found no remedy for the problem both in \u201ccreating new district organizations\u201d and \u201cin improving the voting mass\u201d: \u201cIf today they disdain the exercise of their right as owners, tomorrow they will be terrified to prostrate themselves before a tyrant that will save them.\u201d 20<\/sup><\/p>\n

Mart\u00ed worried so much about the cleanliness of the vote that he proposed \u201ccasting the expenses of the elections on the public treasury\u201d21<\/sup> and to make the vote compulsory 22<\/sup> as a civic duty. Informed, independent and self-organized voting was a channel for active political participation as well as a way of ensuring the collective government of \u201call\u201d: \u201cOnly in the fact that suffrage is corrupted can there be the danger of the countries that are governed by suffrage: where there is no power superior to another\u2026.\u201d23<\/sup><\/p>\n

Such a program\u2015no power per se over another\u2015is inscribed in Article 5 of the Bases of the Cuban Revolutionary Party, which \u201cis not intended to bring to Cuba a victorious group that considers the island as its prey and domain, but to prepare, with whatever effective means the liberty of the foreigner allows them, the war to be waged for the decorum and the good of all Cubans, and to give the entire country the free homeland.\u201d24<\/sup><\/p>\n

The dignity of all<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ana Cairo Ballester reconstructed the various republican influences on Cuban political thought. Specifically, she argued<\/a>: \u201cPerhaps [Mart\u00ed] is the most fascinating personality to study the conjunction of what Cuban republicanism stems from.\u201d<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

For C\u00e9spedes, Emilia Casanova, Agramonte, Maceo, M\u00e1ximo G\u00f3mez, Rosa Castellanos, Guillerm\u00f3n Moncada, Vald\u00e9s Dom\u00ednguez, Rafael Serra, Diego Vicente Tejera, Isabel Rubio, Juan Gualberto G\u00f3mez, among the enormous mass of the participants in the war, struggled for the \u201cdemocratic republic.\u201d<\/p>\n

That was Mart\u00ed\u2019s wager in Tampa: \u201cI believe even more in the republic with open eyes, neither foolish nor timid, neither robed nor collarless, neither over-cultured nor uneducated, since I have seen, by the sacred warnings of the heart, together on this night of strength and thought, together for now and for later, together for as long as patriotism reigns, Cubans who put their frank and free opinion above all things, and a Cuban who respects them.\u201d<\/p>\n

Such a group is not reducible to a form of government. It is a compound of ideas and practices about revolution, democracy, freedom and justice. Roig de Leuchsenring cited, from Mart\u00ed, the following as the \u201ccommitment that the Revolution makes: \u2018She will be governed so that the vigorous and capable war will soon give a firm house to the new Republic.\u2019\u201d25<\/sup><\/p>\n

It was not an ideal defended only by intellectuals. The Cuban people, the main hero of the feat, made it its own. The \u201cCuban Enlightenment\u201d was not that of the slave-owning sugar aristocrats: it was the popular subjects who re-elaborated the ideals of freedom, equality and fraternity for their context and their needs.<\/p>\n

A text published in La doctrina de Mart\u00ed <\/em>is, among many others, an example of this. Its author, who through his prose seems a very humble person, presented Mart\u00ed as \u201cthe enlightened one, the friend of the people, the apostle of the ideas of justice, democracy and truth.\u201d The figure\u2014added \u201cAdrasto,\u201d the author\u2019s pseudonym\u2014\u201csympathetic and admirable of Mart\u00ed would not have existed, if he had not had as a pedestal an admirable sympathetic ideal.\u201d26<\/sup> That ideal was the Republic.<\/p>\n

Sectarianism is always void of self-awareness. It is while proclaiming not to be. The idea of \u200b\u200b\u201cwith all…\u201d is not directed at the \u201cgood,\u201d the \u201cgrateful,\u201d which always means \u201cours\u201d for the respective sectarianism.<\/p>\n

Adrasto placed in his text an inscription, signed by Mart\u00ed, which said: \u201cthese are just the preliminaries of a great campaign, generous and active, after which the bad guys will not dare to be so much.\u201d The \u201cwith all, and for the good of all\u201d is so radical because perhaps it does not refer so much to the who<\/em>\u2015since it included even the \u201cbad guys\u201d\u2015but to how we all are<\/em>: it refers to the support of common coexistence among the free and the equal: refers to how to democratically process ownership, liberty, law and order and the political representation of the people.<\/p>\n

That common order of coexistence had enemies then, and it has them now. However, it is a paradigm that is not afraid to face its exclusions\u2015it understands them as legitimate, if they attempt against such an order\u2015but concentrates on how to make it possible. Its core is how to produce the social, moral, institutional framework that makes it possible to live, among all and for all, in \u201cfull dignity of man,\u201d that first law of the Republic, the pedestal on which Mart\u00ed is erected in Cuba\u2019s history.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Notes:<\/strong><\/p>\n

1<\/sup> \u201cLadies and gentlemen, the Apostle has ceded me his position, for the moment, to tell you on his behalf to take these children home immediately, because he does not want the act of unveiling his statue today to be the cause of the discovery tomorrow, in those little creatures, of scarlet fever and measles.\u201d La Discusi\u00f3n<\/em>, 02.22.1905<\/p>\n

2<\/sup> \u201cDiscurso en el Liceo Cubano,\u201d Tampa, November 26, 1891 (1991). In Jos\u00e9 Mart\u00ed (Ed.): Obras Completas<\/em> [Complete Works]. Taken from the second edition published by Ciencias Sociales publishing house, 1975, First reprint, 1992. Volume 4: Ciencias Sociales publishing house.<\/p>\n

3<\/sup> Brito, H. C. (C.L. Otardo) (1910): Breves consideraciones sobre el alcance que Mart\u00ed quiso dar y dio a la frase \u201cLa Rep\u00fablica con todos y para todos<\/em>.\u201d Havana: Rambla y Bouza Printers.<\/p>\n

4<\/sup> Vald\u00e9s Dom\u00ednguez, Ferm\u00edn (June 30, 1897): Patriotas y (\u00bfrepatriotas?). \u00a0In La doctrina de Mart\u00ed. La Rep\u00fablica con todos y para todos<\/em>, June 30, 1897 (Vol. 1, New York, No. 28).<\/p>\n

5<\/sup> Nuestra labor. La doctrina de Mart\u00ed. La Rep\u00fablica con todos y para todos<\/em>, New York, July 25, 1896, Vol. 1, No. 1.<\/p>\n

6<\/sup> \u201cVindicaci\u00f3n de Cuba,\u201d OC<\/em>, t. 1 p. 240<\/p>\n

7<\/sup> \u201cHeredia,\u201d OC<\/em>, t. 5 p. 170<\/p>\n

8<\/sup> \u201cLa futura esclavitud,\u201d OC<\/em>, t. 15, p. 388 and ss<\/p>\n

9<\/sup> \u201cHonores a Karl Marx, que ha muerto,\u201d OC, <\/em>t. 9, p. 387 and ss<\/p>\n

10 <\/sup>I owe this reference to Antoni Dom\u00e9nech Figueras.<\/p>\n

11<\/sup> \u201cGuatemala,\u201d OC<\/em>, t. 7, p. 124<\/p>\n

12<\/sup> \u201cReflexiones destinadas a proceder a los informes tra\u00eddos por los jefes pol\u00edticos a las conferencias de mayo de 1878,\u201d OC<\/em>, t. 7, p. 167<\/p>\n

13<\/sup> \u201cLa conferencia americana,\u201d OC<\/em>, t. 6, p. 64<\/p>\n

14<\/sup> \u201cNueva York en junio,\u201d OC<\/em>, t. 11, pp. 18-19<\/p>\n

15<\/sup> \u201cClub pol\u00edtico de Ocala,\u201d Patria<\/em>, April 3, 1892. On that horizon, he added: \u201cExclusive wealth is unfair. Be it of many; not from upstarts, new dead hands, but from those who honestly and laboriously deserve it. A nation with many small landowners is rich. The people where there are some rich men is not rich, but the one where each one has a little wealth. In political economy and in good government, to distribute is to be successful.\u201d \u201cGuatemala\u201d, OC<\/em>, t. 7, p. 134<\/p>\n

16<\/sup> \u201cCarta a la Rep\u00fablica,\u201d OC<\/em>, t. 8, p. 27<\/p>\n

17<\/sup> Regarding women, however, he repeated contents present in his work, in which he reserves them for motherhood, care and prudence.<\/p>\n

18<\/sup> \u201cCarta al Director de \u2018La Opini\u00f3n Nacional\u2019,\u201d OC<\/em>, t. 14, pp 509-510.<\/p>\n

19<\/sup> \u201cCarta al Director de \u2018La Opini\u00f3n Nacional\u2019,\u201d OC<\/em>, t. 9, pp. 105-106.<\/p>\n

20<\/sup> OC<\/em>, t. 10, p. 43.<\/p>\n

21<\/sup> \u201cCarta al Director de \u2018El Partido Liberal\u2019,\u201d In \u201cOtras Cr\u00f3nicas de Nueva York.\u201d Center for Mart\u00ed Studies. Ciencias Sociales publishing house, Havana, 1983, pp. 132-133<\/p>\n

22<\/sup> \u201cLas elecciones del 10 de abril.\u201d From \u201cPatria<\/em>,\u201d New York, April 16, 1893, OC<\/em>, tome 2, p. 296.<\/p>\n

23<\/sup> \u201cCarta al Director de \u2018La Naci\u00f3n\u2019,\u201d OC<\/em>, t. 10, p. 123<\/p>\n

24<\/sup> \u201cBases del Partido Revolucionario Cubano,\u201d OC<\/em>, t. 1 p. 280<\/p>\n

25<\/sup> Roig de Leuchsenring, Emilio (1957): El Manifiesto de Montecristi, sus ra\u00edces, finalidades y proyecciones<\/em>. Havana: Office of City of Havana Historian.<\/p>\n

26<\/sup> Adrasto (Vol. 1, No. 9, 1896): \u201cLa guerra, Mart\u00ed y la Rep\u00fablica.\u201d In La doctrina de Mart\u00ed. La Rep\u00fablica con todos y para todos<\/em>, Vol. 1, No. 9, 10\/11\/1896.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In February 1905 the statue of Jos\u00e9 Mart\u00ed, which to this day presides over Havana\u2019s Parque Central, was placed. A survey decided which figure should appear on that pedestal, which had previously been that of Isabel II. For that celebration, the newspaper La Discusi\u00f3n published a series of vignettes. In one of them, the character […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":80,"featured_media":221504,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[17953],"tags":[22988,959],"ppma_author":[33569,17952],"class_list":["post-221503","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-our-life","tag-cuban-history","tag-jose-marti-en"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nFinally, who are we all? 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