
{"id":225015,"date":"2020-07-25T13:45:16","date_gmt":"2020-07-25T17:45:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/?p=225015"},"modified":"2020-07-27T08:26:50","modified_gmt":"2020-07-27T12:26:50","slug":"the-glory-is-theirs-and-nobody-can-take-it-away","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/columns\/our-life\/the-glory-is-theirs-and-nobody-can-take-it-away\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cThe glory is theirs and nobody can take it away\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"text-align: right;\"><a href=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/contribute\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><em><strong>Help us keep OnCuba alive<\/strong><\/em><\/a><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina were major centers of slave production. Today they are among the poorest states in the United States. The long trace of slavery is an unavoidable part of the explanation of poverty. The deep unease towards that past is expressed today in several ways.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The demolition of statues of slave-trading figures constitutes one of them. The murder of George Floyd has fueled that intention, prompting the removal of statues of Confederate people and monuments such as those of Robert E. Lee and John B. Castleman, the Bentonville Confederate Monument (Arkansas), and the Athens Confederate Monument (Georgia).<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The process has been seen by some sectors as the latest radical fad. Its critics say that it will end up knocking down everything, including Cervantes. A sign with \u201c<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.elmundo.es\/internacional\/2020\/06\/20\/5eee21d0fdddffcb8e8b465a.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">bastard<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u201d was already hung on a statue of the genius. It\u2019s certainly foolish. Cervantes\u2019s most famous character \u201cvowed\u2026to favor the needy and oppressed from the elders\u201d and it seemed \u201ca hard case to turn into slaves those whom God and nature made free.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The excesses of anger are <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/lasillavacia.com\/silla-llena\/red-caribe\/la-narrativa-de-la-indisciplina-racista-y-clasista-76450\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">fertile ground for classist and racist discourses<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> on \u201ccorrect\u201d civic behavior. It\u2019s forgotten that anger, as a moral outrage in the face of injustice, has always been part of citizen virtue.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Aristotle rebuked the \u201cexcessive ease\u201d for anger\u2014as \u201cbad disposition\u201d\u2014but he also did not approve \u201cif nothing moves us.\u201d His judgment valued \u201cjust anger\u201d as part of virtue. Dragging Cervantes into anger is \u201cbad disposition,\u201d but slavery, its consequences and monuments provoke just anger.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>An old fad<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The demolition of statues has been \u201cin vogue\u201d everywhere and at all times. Trajan\u2019s column in Rome (114 BC) was crowned by the statue of this emperor until it was replaced by that of Saint Peter. During American independence, the bronze statue of George III of England, in Bowling Green Square (south of Manhattan), was dismantled and turned into ammunition.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">No power has been resisted without also confronting the symbols that represent it. In this, vandalism \u201cfrom above\u201d\u2014by the hand of the actors with power\u2014is different from vandalism \u201cfrom below.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The first type has been praised \u201camong the great milestones in history,\u201d but the second has been denounced as \u201cblind vandalism.\u201d Vandalism, it turns out, is \u201ca privilege for the victors and a sacrilege for the vanquished.\u201d<\/span><b>1<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The debate has come to Cuba as a discussion about the statue that is part of the monument to Jos\u00e9 Miguel G\u00f3mez, in Havana. There have been many who see criticism of him as importing \u201cAmerican fashions.\u201d The idea that it\u2019s a \u201cfashion\u201d is ironic, if we take into account that for almost 200 years Cuba has seen statues replaced or demolished.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Queen Elizabeth II statue is just one example. First placed in the current Parque Central (1857), at the fall of the Bourbons, Captain General Lersundi sent it to the prison chapel in Havana (1869). With the return of the Bourbons, it returned to its original place. After independence, it was dispatched \u201cas a useless piece of junk\u201d to the municipal moats.<\/span><b>2<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In 1905, on the pedestal \u201cbelonging\u201d to Elizabeth II, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/especiales\/la-estatua-y-la-republica\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">the statue of Jos\u00e9 Mart\u00ed was placed there, until today <\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Similarly, the statue of Carlos Manuel de C\u00e9spedes, in what is known as the Plaza de Armas, replaced the effigy of Fernando VII.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the 1930s, following the overthrow of Gerardo Machado, monuments associated with his name were destroyed. The same happened with the face of the dictator engraved on the main door of the Capitolio.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure style=\"width: 1024px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/07\/1-1024x576.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"576\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Door of the Capitolio, which still has the mark of popular action that erased Machado\u2019s face from it. Photo: Julio C\u00e9sar Guanche<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">After the revolutionary triumph of 1959, only the shoes of the statue of Tom\u00e1s Estrada Palma was left and the eagle of the monument to the victims of the Maine was brought down.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure style=\"width: 1024px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/07\/2.-Estrada-Palma-y-Maine-1024x576.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"576\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Period views: On the left, the monument to Tom\u00e1s Estrada Palma on G Street. (1928). On the right, a parade of American Marines in front of the Maine Monument (1930). (Photos: Ministry of Public Works)<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">With such a history, Cubans should be more careful to describe as \u201cfashionable\u201d the new political currents of interpretation of the symbols of the past.<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"jeg_video_container jeg_video_content\"><iframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Machado cay\u00f3.. Cuba\" width=\"500\" height=\"375\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/rxYnh3Gz210?feature=oembed\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share\" referrerpolicy=\"strict-origin-when-cross-origin\" allowfullscreen><\/iframe><\/div>\n<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the Video: The fall of Machado, in images. At the end of the material, Cubans hammer an effigy of the despot.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>G\u00f3mez and the protest of 1912<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jos\u00e9 Miguel G\u00f3mez was no less than in the three Cuban wars for independence.<\/span><b>3<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> He went from being a private to a general. The <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Revista de Cayo Hueso<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> claimed that he was highly respected by M\u00e1ximo G\u00f3mez. This is extraordinary praise.<\/span><b>4<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> However, his figure shows problems common to the post-independence oligarchic republics in Latin America.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">J. M. G\u00f3mez practiced the kind of nationalism\u2014let\u2019s leave out, for now, his well-known corruption\u2014that played with the Platt Amendment as guarantor of the status quo of the time.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u201cTibur\u00f3n\u201d participated prominently in the \u201crevolution\u201d of 1906. In this context, Estrada Palma\u2019s intransigence in the face of the electoral farce in his favor, on the one hand, and the attitude of the liberals\u2014Jos\u00e9 Miguel was one of their leaders\u2014, on the other, sought for U.S. intervention to come in their respective support.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This was requested by Estrada Palma, but also by J.M. G\u00f3mez, along with Alfredo Zayas, \u201caccording to the terms of the Platt Amendment,\u201d at a meeting on September 25 with the U.S. Minister Squiers.<\/span><b>5<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> His government was born from the redesign made by the second occupation (1906-1909) of the Cuban political system, to avoid \u201cconvulsions\u201d and resolve rotation among elites.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/jcguanche.wordpress.com\/2020\/06\/29\/apuntes-cronologicos-sobre-el-partido-independiente-de-color-pdf\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">protest of 1912<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> had various contents. One of them was to demand participation in that political system. But it was also several other things.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the first place, a set of actions that combined the action of the Independent Party of Color (PIC) with farmer protests and other subjects affected by the boom in capitalist expansion towards eastern Cuba.<\/span><b>6<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Second, a test of the depth of anti-black racism in Cuban political culture.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Third, the first great challenge to the oligarchic and racial character of Cuban capitalism, and of the Republic that administered it, after 1902.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Finally, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/jcguanche.wordpress.com\/2020\/06\/29\/un-movimiento-y-unas-ideas-que-fueron-sometidos-al-mas-riguroso-olvido\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">as Fernando Mart\u00ednez Heredia said <\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, it was \u201ca great warning that clearly established the limits that those from below could not transcend in the Cuban republic.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The state and the dominant society responded by treating it as a \u201crace war.\u201d J. M. G\u00f3mez liquidated it with the largest racist state massacre in national history.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the same time, the label of \u201cpro-annexationist\u201d has fallen until today on Evaristo Estenoz, one of the main leaders of the protest liquidated by J. M. G\u00f3mez. Estenoz would have requested the intervention in the famous letter of June 15, 1912.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The PIC, like the rest of the political actors of the moment, operated \u201cwithin the clause\u201d\u2014the Platt Amendment. In fact, he had been born during the American occupation. Juli\u00e1n Vald\u00e9s Sierra, another of its leaders, recognized the Platt Amendment as the great factor in Cuban politics. It did so in defense of the legal existence of the PIC, against the Mor\u00faa Amendment, which banned it from political and electoral life.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At the same time, many of the PIC references attest to the commitment to national sovereignty and against the interference of the United States in countries of the region such as Nicaragua. Within Cuba, the PIC denounced the situation of occupation of territories in Pinar del R\u00edo and Guant\u00e1namo by the U.S. government.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Understanding the PIC\u2019s relations with the United States\u2014like the rest of those actors\u2014requires great attention to context. Presenting it as a matter of nationalists vs. traitors\u2014whether they were one or the other\u2014refuses to think critically about the \u201cproblematic nationalism of the first republic,\u201d as Mart\u00ednez Heredia called it.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A specific point can now be cleared: Estenoz\u2019s letter, mentioned above, was not written by him.<\/span><b>7<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pedro Ivonnet, another of the PIC leaders, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/jcguanche.wordpress.com\/2020\/06\/29\/pedro-ivonnet-pasion-y-muerte-de-un-mambi-desconocido-pdf\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">had been part of the Invading Army<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> led by Antonio Maceo and was head of a Regiment in the war in Pinar del R\u00edo. He addressed another letter to American Minister Arthur M. Beaupr\u00e9 to inform him of the motives and intentions of the protest. There is no word in this letter asking for intervention.<\/span><b>8<\/b><\/p>\n<figure style=\"width: 908px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/07\/3.-Carta-de-vonnet.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"908\" height=\"717\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedro Ivonnet\u2019s letter<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jos\u00e9 Miguel G\u00f3mez died in 1921, honored. Estenoz, a Mamb\u00ed Liberation Army fighter and later a fighting worker, described as an anarchist, was assassinated in 1912 by Lieutenant Lutgardo de La Torre.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure style=\"width: 1024px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/07\/4.-Acta-de-la-autopsia-de-Evaristo-Estenoz.28-de-Junio-de-1912-1024x576.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"576\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Minutes of the autopsy of Evaristo Estenoz. June 28, 1912.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ivonnet had not eaten for several days when he was killed. Aranda, the guerilla captain who captured him, asked Lieutenant Colonel Consuegra if he could take him alive. The answer was an order, executed in the end by Arsenio Ortiz: \u201cThat he not arrive alive in any way. The glory is his and nobody can take it away from him.\u201d<\/span><b>9<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Jos\u00e9 Miguel G\u00f3mez congratulated Captain Aranda after Ivonnet\u2019s death.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure style=\"width: 1024px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/07\/5.-Telegrama-de-Gomez-felicita-a-Aranda-1024x335.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"335\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Note by Jos\u00e9 Miguel G\u00f3mez regarding the death of Ivonnet. Army Archive.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><b>The monument to Jos\u00e9 Miguel G\u00f3mez<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The monument erected in tribute to Jos\u00e9 Miguel G\u00f3mez has been questioned from its very origin. His son, Miguel Mariano G\u00f3mez Arias, inaugurated it on May 18, 1936. The son was also celebrating that, two days later, he would assume the presidency himself.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure style=\"width: 1024px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/07\/6.-Monumento-a-Jos%C3%A9-Miguel-G%C3%B3mez-1024x683.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Monument to Jos\u00e9 Miguel G\u00f3mez. Photo: Julio C\u00e9sar Guanche<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The monument to G\u00f3mez is not the only symbol related to that family. On the same G Avenue and L\u00ednea Street, there is the Gyno-Obstetric Hospital (Maternity) named Am\u00e9rica Arias.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u201cDo\u00f1a Am\u00e9rica\u201d was an outstanding nurse in the Mamb\u00ed army, from a well-off family, who like so many went to the wilderness, giving everything away. Arias was also a captain, courier, and messenger, a particularly dangerous role in a context in which military violence against the independence fighters was fueling, with unspeakable cruelty, their status as women.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">National history remembers these women more as nurses, a traditional role as midwives and caregivers for the nation\u2019s children and soldiers, than as fighters. Arias was the wife of Jos\u00e9 Miguel, and they both had Miguel Mariano.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The coexistence of their names in two buildings on the same Avenue\u2014the man at the top of the space, the woman at its bottom\u2014, proposes a curious symbolic association. It\u2019s a familiar metaphor for national history, with its highly defined gender and social roles.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Adelante<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, an important anti-racist space, rejected the monument to J. M. G\u00f3mez since 1935.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For this group\u2014which did not share the PIC\u2019s tactic\u2014it represented approval for Jos\u00e9 Miguel G\u00f3mez, the \u201cauthor of that shameful racist proclamation of June 6, 1912; <\/span><b>10<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> the person most responsible for the Boquer\u00f3n and Yarayabo massacres; of the hunt in the \u2018Kentucky\u2019 sugar mill town, of the Maya fire, and of all the parricidal horror of that fight in which the generals of Monteagudo blushed, and the murderous hands of Arsenio Ortiz started gushing blood.\u201d<\/span><b>11<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On the other hand, the monument, according to Mar\u00eda de los \u00c1ngeles Pereira, a specialist in monumental art, is a bad copy of the one dedicated in Italy to Vittorio Emanuele II.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure style=\"width: 640px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/07\/7.-Monumento-a-Emanuele-.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"481\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vittorio Emanuele II Monument. Photo taken from the internet.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The author also considers that \u201cthe concretion of this monument (of J.M. G\u00f3mez), against all the criticism to which it was subjected, and the lavishness of its construction, regardless of the complex political and social framework that the country and the world lived in in 1936, more than an absurd act or a paradox within our monumental development, is irrefutable proof of the shamelessness of its constituents.\u201d<\/span><b>12<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Specialist <\/span><a href=\"http:\/\/www.ugr.es\/~rgutierr\/PDF2\/LIB%20011.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Rodrigo Guti\u00e9rrez Vi\u00f1uales<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> agrees with that opinion. For him the monument is a great example of \u201cpolitical opportunism and glorification initiatives,\u201d whose \u201cmagnificence is far above the magnitude of the commemorated and his work.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Does this mean that the monument must be demolished? My resounding answer is no. But there are many senses involved in it, which cannot be left intact.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">After the monument to J.M. G\u00f3mez was restored in the late 1990s, his statue was restituted, already demolished once after 1959. The act brought about debate. The effigy was maintained with the criterion of respecting the integrity of the monument\u2019s conception. More than two decades later, no apology to the PIC has taken physical form on that premise.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There will continue to be a long discussion about J.M. G\u00f3mez and the PIC movement, but two facts have long seemed firm: racism is central in its origin and outcome and \u201c<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/jcguanche.wordpress.com\/2020\/06\/29\/un-movimiento-y-unas-ideas-que-fueron-sometidos-al-mas-riguroso-olvido\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">there was no solidarity for them<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, they were left alone in the fields of their homeland.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Personally, I find no justification to reproduce today this loneliness in the monuments.<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"jeg_video_container jeg_video_content\"><iframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Bruca Manigu\u00e1\" width=\"500\" height=\"375\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/wOoUoe15QDc?feature=oembed\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share\" referrerpolicy=\"strict-origin-when-cross-origin\" allowfullscreen><\/iframe><\/div>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ibrahim Ferrer interprets \u201cBruca manigu\u00e1\u201d by Arsenio Rodr\u00edguez&#8230; \u201cI am a Carabal\u00ed, from a black nation. Without freedom, I can\u2019t live&#8230;.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>What to do with the monuments and with the memory of racism?<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The monument to J.M. G\u00f3mez is an example of what French historian Pierre Nora has called \u201cplaces of memory.\u201d Nora spoke of places where memory <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">acts<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. It\u2019s not the memory we have of a place, but the awareness of the crossroads that certain places open to national and collective memory. They are memory labs.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A place of memory has successive layers. In this monument, there coexists the memory of the tribute to J.M. G\u00f3mez, of the attempt at post-revolutionary stability (after 1933) carried out without success by his son, of the victims of the protest of 1912, of the boom in anti-racist activism in the 1930s, of the willingness to bring down the statue after 1959 and its restitution in the 1990s.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Which of those memoirs has the most right to be represented as a tribute? Is this a correct question? What would it be?<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Enzo Traverso, a scholar of historical memory, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.sinpermiso.info\/textos\/derribar-estatuas-no-borra-la-historia-nos-hace-verla-mas-claramente\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">suggests some keys<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to a general response: \u201cKnocked down, destroyed, painted or scribbled, these statues embody a new dimension of struggle: the connection between rights and memory.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It\u2019s necessary to know which memory is defended with a monument. The phrase \u201cnational memory\u201d doesn\u2019t solve the problem, because the nation is a political construction that manages differences within it, but doesn\u2019t liquidate them.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Memory is a field of struggle to modify social places\u2014and with it also the profile of urban spaces\u2014that the past shaped, like it or not, with a lot of barbaric history within its cultural stories.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It\u2019s a topic that has been answered with practical experiences of interest. Historian Laurent Dubois has written about one of them.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the center of Basse-Terre, the capital of Guadeloupe, there is a prison that housed fighters for making that territory independent of France. With the support of local authorities, a mural on the slave traffic and anti-slavery resistance was painted on its walls (in the 1980s).<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In 2001, a list of runaway slaves\u2014taken from an 18th-century newspaper\u2014\u201cincarcerated in the Basse-Terre prison\u201d was placed near the prison building. Dubois <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/dialnet.unirioja.es\/servlet\/articulo?codigo=3608636\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">affirms that<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, in the archives, \u201cit\u2019s a rather ordinary document,\u201d but its \u201cplacement next to the prison, however, transforms it into something very different.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The question lies in revealing the people and the stories that a monument represents. Preserving the deletion of Machado\u2019s face at the Capitolio door is a contemporary good practice in this regard, along with the quality of the restoration.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There is no complete justice without memory. A future plaque at the Jos\u00e9 Miguel G\u00f3mez monument, with or without a statue, could give new meaning to the words of Lieutenant Colonel Consuegra against Ivonnet, dedicating them, now deservedly, to those martyrs: \u201cThe glory is theirs and no one can take it away from them.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"jeg_video_container jeg_video_content\"><iframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"1 intro - Obsesi\u00f3n\" width=\"500\" height=\"375\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/321Naaximrw?list=PLuDEG-H7LFCeIogfPXfU3CMJs4BoH9K8a\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share\" referrerpolicy=\"strict-origin-when-cross-origin\" allowfullscreen><\/iframe><\/div>\n<p><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">El disco negro<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> of Obsesi\u00f3n. Tema 10: \u201cFur\u00e9 in carving interlude.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">***<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>Notes<\/b><\/p>\n<p><b>1<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Dar\u00edo Gamboni, <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">La destrucci\u00f3n del arte. Iconoclasia y vandalismo desde la Revoluci\u00f3n Francesa<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, Madrid, C\u00e1tedra, 2014, p.34.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>2<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Roig de Leuchsenring, E. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Biograf\u00eda de la primera estatua de Carlos Manuel de C\u00e9spedes erigida en la ciudad de La Habana<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, p. 8.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>3<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> I have discussed this topic <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/comunistascuba.blogspot.com\/2020\/06\/tumbar-una-estatua-es-tan-historico.html?m=1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">with Maikel Pons Giralt<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. I return to some of those ideas, here under my responsibility.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>4<\/b> <i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Revista de Cayo Hueso<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Volume III. October 10, 1898. Number 30, pp. 6-7.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>5<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Portell Vil\u00e1: <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nueva Historia de la Rep\u00fablica de Cuba<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. 1898-1979, Miami, La Moderna Poes\u00eda, 1986, p.94.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>6<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> The argument has been elaborated in greater depth by Louis A. P\u00e9rez Jr. (2002). \u201c<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pol\u00edtica, campesinos y gente de color: la \u00b4guerra de razas\u00b4 de 1912 en Cuba revisitada.\u201d Caminos (24-25).<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>7<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> I can\u2019t develop here the point about the apocryphal character of the letter. It\u2019s detailed in a forthcoming academic text, where I present the evidence from the cross-sectional study of the Cuban and American press of June 1912 and from the notes and reports of Jos\u00e9 de J. Monteagudo, chief of the Army, addressed to Jos\u00e9 Miguel G\u00f3mez, located in the Archive Fund of said Army.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>8<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> In <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Despacho<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> 278 (05.29.1912), <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Records of the Department of State relating to internal affairs of Cuba, 1910-29. Political Affaires<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. 837.00 \/ 525-792. Microfilm Publications. Micro-No. 488, Roll 6. (National Archives).<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>9<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> The quotes are from the Army Archive. Loreto R. Ramos C\u00e1rdenas has written <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/jcguanche.wordpress.com\/2020\/06\/29\/pedro-ivonnet-pasion-y-muerte-de-un-mambi-desconocido-pdf\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">an interesting book about Ivonnet <\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>10<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Among other things, the proclamation said, referring to the protesters: \u201cThose manifestations of fierce savagery carried out by those who have placed themselves, especially in the eastern province, outside the radius of human civilization,\u201d <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">El Triunfo<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, June 7, 1912.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>11<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u201c<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">El monumento al General Jos\u00e9 Miguel G\u00f3mez,\u201d <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Adelante<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, August 3, 1935.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>12<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Mar\u00eda de los \u00c1ngeles Pereira. \u201c<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nuevos signos en los espacios p\u00fablicos: esencia y apariencias del cambio.\u201d In <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Espa\u00f1a en Cuba. Final de siglo<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Zaragoza, Fernando el Cat\u00f3lico Institution, 2000, pp. 199-209, p. 208.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Statues, monuments and the memory of racism in Cuba<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":80,"featured_media":225017,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[17953],"tags":[14899],"ppma_author":[33569,17952],"class_list":["post-225015","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-our-life","tag-racism-in-cuba"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.3 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>\u201cThe glory is theirs and nobody can take it away\u201d | OnCubaNews English<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Statues, monuments and the memory of racism in Cuba\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, 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