
{"id":227679,"date":"2020-09-18T08:52:21","date_gmt":"2020-09-18T12:52:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/?p=227679"},"modified":"2020-09-18T08:52:21","modified_gmt":"2020-09-18T12:52:21","slug":"predictions-iii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/predictions-iii\/","title":{"rendered":"Predictions (III)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let\u2019s imagine for a moment that there were three parties in Cuba, named the Renewed Socialism Party, the Cuban Revolutionary Party and the Fidelista Party. Let\u2019s imagine that the three of them went to elections and governed according to popular vote, with platforms dedicated to the construction of a socialism with differentiated emphasis, but definitely anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist, for social justice, equity, sovereignty, social development (not only economic growth), citizens\u2019 democracy, human rights, and most especially, the dignity of all Cubans.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">According to this scenario, I wonder how many in the rest of the world would consider Cuba a fully democratic republic or, on the contrary, would continue to judge it as lacking an essential pluralism, only conceivable in a full-fledged \u201cmarket economy,\u201d and with antisocialist and \u201cright-wing\u201d parties, including those akin to \u201cAmerican democracy.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now imagine that these three parties are governing Cuba at this time, and that, instead of taking turns in power according to the electoral cycle, they share the same Council of Ministers and Council of State, they sit in the meetings of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) and the National Assembly, and they agree to govern collegially and make decisions by consensus. Of course, the political process slows down and also becomes more contradictory. At a more delayed and ambivalent pace it also contributes to the new policies, here and everywhere, to suffer some degradation as of when they are agreed and enunciated, formulated in regulations, and in the end implemented, to follow a path subject to interpretations, resilience and bureaucratic inertia, until they are applied at the bottom.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Thus, when a crisis and national emergency situation typically manages to narrow the range of consensus, there is no alternative but to implement pending agreements and take others under pressure, track their implementation down to the bottom, targeting intermediate obstacles and local disruptive agents, and using all the resources of power, from the exhortation of citizens to the application of the law, including coercion.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The publication <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.cubahora.cu\/economia\/cuba-y-su-desafio-economico-y-social-tabloide\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cuba y su desaf\u00edo econ\u00f3mico y social<\/span><\/i> <\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Cuba and its economic and social challenge; September 8, 2020), a summary of the \u201cSocioeconomic strategy to boost the economy and face the global crisis caused by COVID-19,\u201d illustrates a situation such as described in the previous paragraph. Signed by the Ministry of Economy, it affirms that \u201cthis Strategy will lead us to be in more favorable conditions for the analyzes to be carried out in the 8th Congress of the PCC.\u201d It responds, by the way, to my first lucubration about the next Party event, in this same column, a month ago.<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"wp-embedded-content\" data-secret=\"D0hqDnRGLM\"><p><a href=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/opinion\/columnas\/con-todas-sus-letras\/predicciones\/\">Predicciones (I)<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-embedded-content\" sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" style=\"position: absolute; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px);\" title=\"\u00abPredicciones (I)\u00bb \u2014 OnCubaNews\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/opinion\/columnas\/con-todas-sus-letras\/predicciones\/embed\/#?secret=llcVZXrfjx#?secret=D0hqDnRGLM\" data-secret=\"D0hqDnRGLM\" width=\"500\" height=\"282\" frameborder=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0\" marginheight=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Presented in the midst of the new outbreak of the pandemic, this <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Economic-Social Strategy<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> (hereinafter, ESES) is, however, something more than an emergency plan to face the effects of COVID-19 inside and outside. Among its nine \u201cstrategic principles,\u201d expressly linked to the two previous PCC congresses, the most outstanding are to regulate the market \u201cby indirect methods\u201d (understood, not by administrative edicts); to recognize the \u201cdynamic role of domestic demand\u201d (that is, of the market); the \u201ccomplementarity of economic actors\u201d (understood, state and private enterprise, agricultural and non-agricultural cooperative, foreign company, self-employed workers); apply \u201cthe agreed forms of management and ownership\u201d and distribute (\u201cresize\u201d) what should be up to the state and private sectors, and their respective articulation.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In my first text of this series on the near future, I commented on the obvious need for tuning between key documents issued at different times, such as the Conceptualization of the model (2016) and the Constitution (2019). I recalled its strategic issues and those of the Guidelines (2011, 2016), in particular the decentralization and autonomy of the municipalities, the space agreed (and postponed) for the private and cooperative sector, as well as the transformation (pending since time immemorial) of the state sector.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I pointed out the revaluation of health, higher education, culture and science, barely defined as \u201cpublic services\u201d and \u201cbudgeted sectors\u201d (say, unproductive), instead of the basis of innovation and development of all industries and services. I mentioned the updating of the Family Code, the most debated in the consultation prior to the Constitution. I asked what will happen to issues ignored in all those documents, such as Cuban emigration, and others barely named, such as unions and other organizations, with a crucial role in a socialist democracy.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If the ESES is taken as that tuning and updating of previous formulations, we will find, in the midst of ideas and intentions repeated before, some new emphases and statements. As a sample, let\u2019s take what is said about the private sector, that is, private enterprise, cooperative and self-employment.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Curiously, in this document the term <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">private<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> is recurrent, instead of the generic <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">non-state<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. It proposes to take \u201csteps for the constitution of micro, small and medium-sized enterprises, which may be private, state or joint,\u201d establish \u201ca mechanism that allows private producers to finance with freely convertible currency,\u201d offer \u201cinsurance services for the private sector that provide protection for their assets, productive work, and workers in the sector\u201d and facilitate \u201cbusiness agreements\u201d between private and state-owned enterprises. It also speaks of \u201cgreater flexibility in the exercise of self-employment, so that it can adapt to the new economic and social scenario.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Not only the frequency is significant, but also the qualitatively different vision in the formulation of the role of \u201cnon-state\u201d cooperatives. The need for \u201clegal norms that group together all types of cooperatives\u2026for the elimination of current restrictions, in particular those related to the number of members and their territorial scope,\u201d and \u201calliances between the business sector and cooperatives.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It is conceived for the first time in an official document, for example, to take \u201csteps for the constitution of new cooperatives in prioritized sectors of the economy,\u201d to facilitate that \u201ccooperatives of various kinds\u201d allow central state administration bodies to be freed from certain functions, so that they \u201cconcentrate on their state functions.\u201d Likewise, to \u201cadvance, as part of the development of cooperatives, in computer science or other forms of non-state management, which enables greater production of computer applications and services,\u201d as well as to \u201cincorporate [them] to the preparation and evaluation of feasibility studies [of investments].\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Conceiving cooperatives, and the private sector in general, as a form of management \u201cfor innovation, recovery and manufacture of spare parts,\u201d the development of software and telecommunications, or administrative control in public organizations is not only a leap from its adoption for services in cafeterias and hairdressers, but in the vision of a truly integrated mixed economy.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Although various academic publications<strong>\u00b9<\/strong><\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00a0have presented these ideas about cooperatives, SMEs and self-employment and for many years have debated the scope of a private sector beyond paladares, taxis, hostels and other specific services, it is a novelty in official documents. As is known, before the current Chinese or Vietnamese models, the articulation of manufacturing and service SMEs with the Cuban state sector was part of its socialism for nine years, until March 13, 1968, when almost 60,000 were nationalized. Now, what the Anglos would call the litmus test of this private sector, its real role in today\u2019s Cuban development, lies rather in the incorporation of \u201chuman capital,\u201d that is, the use of the qualified labor force, whose contribution to \u201cthe value chain\u201d could far exceed that of the Chinese or Dominican maquiladoras.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Probably more important than the consecration of an economy with multiple actors, such as the one described in the ESES, is the decentralization and autonomy of the municipalities, due to their impact on society as a whole. Although the public debates on the constitutional draft in 2018 did not dedicate the space that other more burning issues had, that section of the new Constitution (Title VIII. Local bodies of People\u2019s Power) was widely corrected and increased, that is, transformed, into essentially political terms.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The meaning of municipal autonomy and decentralization, like everything that involves redistribution of power, is strictly political. However, this is not limited to returning to the municipality its role in real government and decision-making on the local, to reviving the spent People\u2019s Power at its grassroots, to facilitating citizen participation and promoting the \u201csense of belonging\u201d of workers and citizens, of which much is talked about. Without autonomous local government there is no \u201cliberation of productive forces,\u201d generally embedded in a space whose means nourish them; nor job creation without the need for resources assigned from the center or abroad; nor solutions to the problems of the environment; nor effective budget management; nor facing natural disasters; nor control of corruption or the spread of epidemics, as has been demonstrated in the last six months.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u201cTo think like a country\u201d means doing it with the 168 local heads where that country really exists. For example, access to \u201cfunds in bank accounts to finance local development projects, administered by the councils of the municipal administration,\u201d whose income can be reinvested the following year, and make the municipality profitable, so that it grows beyond a tax-collection entity. In other words, not only to ensure \u201cthe municipal self-sufficiency of agricultural products,\u201d but also to enforce \u201cmunicipal development strategies and plans for land and urban planning,\u201d and place them in the hands of the local Power and its institutions.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">These are elements of a revolution in the active role of the municipality, recognized in the document: the approval of investments of a certain scale; entrust the greater supply of strategic inputs, such as construction materials, to \u201clocal production plans,\u201d \u201cuse more efficiently the resources of local governments or other activities that can be promoted, with budgetary funds for the development of the country.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Contrary to the many damages caused by the pandemic, its political impact should be accounted for in consciousness and in public institutions, in government and in governments. In addition to \u201cstrengthening primary healthcare, opening family doctor and nurse offices\u201d and having \u201cgreater resolution of problems by polyclinics,\u201d it has become a priority to \u201cstrengthen municipal intensive therapy areas and their accreditation, as well as intensive care units.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the balance of COVID-19 is not limited to the decisive role of local governments, nor to the litmus test to which it has subjected Cuban public health, to extend and consolidate its image inside and outside. Its greatest effect on economic policy and on the mentality of those who conceive it could be expressed in the degree of revaluation of health and science, as well as of higher education and culture, as the driving force of innovation and development. To what extent has this been the case?<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In addition to verifying with horror that I have not managed to address the main pending issues, as I swore at the beginning of this text, I realize that I also have many questions about the aforementioned. After having subjected readers to a barrage of quotation marks, which must have overwhelmed them a bit, I guess they don\u2019t have to be skeptics to wonder about the feasibility and determination of these formulations. In addition, there are strategic absences in the Strategy.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For example, the need for \u201cmonetary and exchange stability\u201d is mentioned as an element of \u201cmacroeconomic stabilization,\u201d but not a word is said about unification, despite the fact that <\/span><a href=\"http:\/\/www.granma.cu\/cuba\/2020-08-19\/unificacion-monetaria-en-el-horizonte-de-cuba-19-08-2020-22-08-45\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">specialists from the Central Bank have recently addressed it<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"wp-embedded-content\" data-secret=\"ShtscF3V14\"><p><a href=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/cuba\/economy\/cuban-economy\/is-day-zero-approaching-for-the-cuban-economy\/\">Is \u201cday zero\u201d approaching for the Cuban economy?<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-embedded-content\" sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" style=\"position: absolute; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px);\" title=\"&#8220;Is \u201cday zero\u201d approaching for the Cuban economy?&#8221; &#8212; OnCubaNews English\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/cuba\/economy\/cuban-economy\/is-day-zero-approaching-for-the-cuban-economy\/embed\/#?secret=IUgqqQbh34#?secret=ShtscF3V14\" data-secret=\"ShtscF3V14\" width=\"500\" height=\"282\" frameborder=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0\" marginheight=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On the other hand, the municipality is not a panacea. The elements of a decades-old institutional political culture, the reproduction of \u201ccommand habits\u201d and of administration that are confused with governing, the training of cadres and the education of leaders are not the best of all possible worlds. Finally, decentralizing power is not the same as deconcentrating decisions. The municipalization of politics faces great challenges of practice and of mentality to overcome, none of them resolved by a constitutional article or an economic policy plan, however progressive and daring they may be.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For those who consider the implementation of SMEs, the expansion of the private sector and the structuring of a coherent market as the keys to a prosperous economy, the light at the end of the tunnel is turning increasingly blue, like objects from outer space that are approaching. For those who understand the transition to another socialism as an equation formed by dissimilar factors, both within civil society and within the State and its various institutions, it is a much more complex and contradictory function.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">For politicians, the question lies, to some extent, in calculating costs and benefits, as for doctors it is to choose which therapy to apply to which pathology. The difference is that surgeons know exactly where and how to operate, on a body that is still, anesthetized. The thing is not so simple for those who draw up economic policy, or any other policies: predicting is almost always a reserved forecast.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong>***<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><em><b>Note:<\/b><\/em><\/p>\n<p><b>1<\/b> <i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Temas<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> # 54 (2008), on Cooperation and participation; # 75 (2013) on Social and solidarity economy; # 89-90 (2017), on Small scale as a development strategy.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Let\u2019s imagine for a moment that there were three parties in Cuba, named the Renewed Socialism Party, the Cuban Revolutionary Party and the Fidelista Party. Let\u2019s imagine that the three of them went to elections and governed according to popular vote, with platforms dedicated to the construction of a socialism with differentiated emphasis, but definitely [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3343,"featured_media":227689,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"jnews-multi-image_gallery":[],"jnews_single_post":{"source_name":"","source_url":"","via_name":"","via_url":"","override_template":"0","override":[{"template":"1","single_blog_custom":"","parallax":"1","fullscreen":"0","layout":"right-sidebar","sidebar":"default-sidebar","second_sidebar":"default-sidebar","sticky_sidebar":"1","share_position":"top","share_float_style":"share-monocrhome","show_share_counter":"1","show_view_counter":"1","show_featured":"1","show_post_meta":"1","show_post_author":"1","show_post_author_image":"1","show_post_date":"1","post_date_format":"default","post_date_format_custom":"Y\/m\/d","show_post_category":"1","show_post_reading_time":"0","post_reading_time_wpm":"300","show_zoom_button":"0","zoom_button_out_step":"2","zoom_button_in_step":"3","show_post_tag":"1","show_prev_next_post":"1","show_popup_post":"1","number_popup_post":"1","show_author_box":"0","show_post_related":"0","show_inline_post_related":"0"}],"override_image_size":"0","image_override":[{"single_post_thumbnail_size":"crop-500","single_post_gallery_size":"crop-500"}],"trending_post":"0","trending_post_position":"meta","trending_post_label":"Trending","sponsored_post":"0","sponsored_post_label":"Sponsored by","sponsored_post_name":"","sponsored_post_url":"","sponsored_post_logo_enable":"0","sponsored_post_logo":"","sponsored_post_desc":""},"jnews_primary_category":{"id":""},"jnews_social_meta":{"fb_title":"","fb_description":"","fb_image":"","twitter_title":"","twitter_description":"","twitter_image":""},"jnews_override_counter":{"override_view_counter":"0","view_counter_number":"0","override_share_counter":"0","share_counter_number":"0","override_like_counter":"0","like_counter_number":"0","override_dislike_counter":"0","dislike_counter_number":"0"},"footnotes":""},"categories":[14135],"tags":[14816,8863],"ppma_author":[34051,15113],"class_list":["post-227679","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-cuban-economy","tag-cuban-society"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v28.3 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Predictions (III) | OnCubaNews 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