
{"id":234940,"date":"2021-02-20T09:05:05","date_gmt":"2021-02-20T14:05:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/?p=234940"},"modified":"2022-01-24T16:01:35","modified_gmt":"2022-01-24T21:01:35","slug":"consensus-and-dissent-iv-and-final","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/columns\/in-plain-words\/consensus-and-dissent-iv-and-final\/","title":{"rendered":"Consensus and dissent (IV and final)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I don\u2019t forget the day of my first interview with the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). After politely asking me if I was willing to talk, two young men, representing the Bureau, invited me to meet in a cafeteria. An hour and a half later they said goodbye, leaving me their cards and they were emphatic about the fact that I call them if I had any problem. Our entire conversation dealt with a single question: what did I think of \u201cthe Miami Cubans\u201d?<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Juan Vald\u00e9s Paz, co-author with me of two studies on the social structure of the Cuban community in the 1980s, published in <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cuadernos de Nuestra Am\u00e9rica<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, was amused by the idea that perhaps the FBI read the <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">CEA<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> magazine more carefully than others here. In any case, that morning in the cafeteria I had the impression that the Bureau\u2019s interest in our views on that community, including the institutions and personalities that were not very sympathetic to the Revolution, was authentic.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In any case, to understand the political ins and outs of what Alejandro Portes has called \u201cthe enclave,\u201d and the successive waves that Lisandro P\u00e9rez and Guillermo Grenier identify as \u201cmigratory cohorts,\u201d I have been able to learn a lot from living sources. I especially remember the spiritual sessions shared, when I was passing through that blessed city, with the University of Miami professor Enrique Baloyra, leader of the Democratic Platform, or the president of the Cuban Studies Institute, Mar\u00eda Cristina Herrera, whose respective hospitality and trust I appreciated and still miss. Thanks to Enrique and Mar\u00eda Cristina, and others like them, including those who did not want to or could not enter Cuba, I learned much of what I know about the intra-politics of the opposition and its emigration, from the historical exile to dissidence; as well as about the layers of a political culture that is anything but homogeneous.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Since then, I have come across all kinds of people among those who call themselves \u201cexiles, anti-Castro, dissidents.\u201d Many of these people without a clear and distinct ideology; others with diverse affiliations, from liberals and Christian Democrats to self-identified as Democratic Communists; all opposed to the government and current or reformed socialism. Some of them with deep convictions; others resentful of injustices suffered; or disappointed by the course of actual politics and the path taken; or those who were already opportunists before going to the opposition.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In this diverse group, there are those who did not leave under persecution or conflict, who can return and even regain their permanent residence on the island, where they never suffered prison for their way of thinking and expressing themselves. I have not met most of them through television or reading what they write to me on the networks, but up close, there and here. I have shared academic events with many of them, they have sat in my classes, they have participated in panels and debates I have organized, as well as in work teams under my charge, we have compiled books and written prologues, they have invited me to collaborate with their editorial projects. In many cases, they have communicated with me over the years, they have sent me their comments and opinions, they have autographed their books, we have talked in bars and canteens, and even in their own homes.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I have been writing for twenty years about the plurality of origins of this community (<\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mirar a Cuba<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, 1993). Despite the greater visibility of those from the artistic culture sector, I met many of them when they were <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Granma<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> journalists, university professors of philosophy, economy or higher education leaders, State Security officers, officials of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC). At that time they were not critical socialists, but \u201cofficial,\u201d as they say now. I have never doubted the right to repent of previous beliefs, precisely because it is the case of many of these people.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Most of the opponents I am friendly with were not from the latter group. Contrary to what is taken for granted, those who have always been against the Revolution are often more capable of dialogue than the repentant or those who seem to be members of a kind of union of anti-communist youth. I have observed something similar between Catholics and Protestants. The believers and ecclesiastics who suffered the harshness and discrimination of the 1960s and 70s, paradoxically, are less intransigent and more in favor of dialogue with the socialists than the more recent ones. A veteran Catholic of those times explained it to me like this: \u201cWe suffered so much then that we learned to live together and cultivate a spirit of reconciliation and tolerance, which made us better Christians. They [the most recent ones] didn\u2019t go through that.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Regarding the spirit of dialogue of this current dissident discourse, I have some evidence taken from what researchers call \u201cfield work.\u201d In a recent <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/nuso.org\/articulo\/anatomia-del-27n-cubano-y-su-circunstancia\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">article<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, written at the request of a Latin American journal of Social Sciences, I try to examine the sociological profile of the 27N group and its context, identifying all its actors, including official institutions, their deficiencies and contradictions, based on sources from one side and the other. Although my text disagrees with the generalized characterization of mercenaries or criminals in the service of the United States, it has been disqualified by dissident discourse as an act of \u201ccomplicity\u201d (with the government), \u201ca gross manipulation,\u201d \u201cmalicious,\u201d \u201cexpression of a gagged conscience,\u201d\u201c irresponsible,\u201d \u201cjustification of police violence,\u201d \u201cdishonest,\u201d \u201cshameful.\u201d I spare the reader other worse epithets.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Each trade has its professional illness, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/es.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Fernando_Mart%C3%ADnez_Heredia\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Fernando Mart\u00ednez<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> used to say sarcastically to me. An old friend who knows a lot about digital journalism advised me to be ready to put up with these issues. What I\u2019m interested in rescuing here, after all, is that it\u2019s not an isolated event.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As cytological evidence of the position of the opposition press, we can take its reaction to the <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/cuba-ee-uu\/carta-abierta-a-joe-biden-pide-que-estados-unidos-normalice-sus-relaciones-con-cuba\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">open letter to Biden<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> promoted by <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">La Joven Cuba (LJC<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">), which calls for the end of the embargo. They <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/diariodecuba.com\/cuba\/1612989733_28740.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">disqualify<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> this document for \u201cits intentions and interests from the moment it distances itself from the question of human rights on the island\u201d; and they characterize the signatories as an \u201capparently heterogeneous,\u201d group, whose partiality is demonstrated because \u201cjournalists, activists and opponents are not among them.\u201d I confess that this absence also intrigues me: if these journalists, activists and opponents defend the interest of the Cuban nation, what prevents them from condemning the embargo and its promoters in the United States, as is done by so many people in the world?<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In doing so, they not only distance themselves from the criticism of the blockade, they also identify with the super Spanish right. They cite in their favor no less than Hermann Tertsch, journalist and \u201cextreme right-wing MEP\u201d (according to <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/elpais.com\/politica\/2020\/01\/23\/actualidad\/1579797532_283667.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">El Pa\u00eds<\/span><\/i><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">), sentenced by the Supreme Court of Spain to two fines (15,000 and 12,000 euros) for personal injury against other political leaders. This libertarian sympathizer of the Cuban cause says in a <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/hermanntertsch\/status\/1359573382581387270\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">tweet<\/span> <\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">that he is fed up with those who sign letters \u201cin favor of the dictatorship and its criminal leadership,\u201d and qualifies it as a \u201cpamphlet letter with all the victimizing discourse of the regime.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If the <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Diario de Cuba<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> sample was not enough to confirm the previous cytological test, <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cibercuba<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u2019s <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.cibercuba.com\/noticias\/2021-02-15-u1-e20037-s27061-gobierno-cuba-debe-normalizar-relaciones-sus-ciudadanos-premisa\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">open letter<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> placing conditions on the normalization, including that of seating the dissence and its media at the Cuba-U.S. negotiating table, make up what my legal friends call \u201ca confession of parts, relief of evidence.\u201d This recent step allows us to update with names and surnames the composition and peculiar nationalist vocation of this dissidence, and its policy of linkage between an internal change agenda and the use of the U.S. factor, as well as the precise distance that separates it from the group of signatories of the letter promoted by <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">LJC<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The previous cases allow us to compare some characteristics of our third generation dissidence and of the independent opposition media with respect to what they say about themselves. First: To what extent are forums and channels only committed to universal principles, such as human rights? Second: What is the measure of their real capacity to represent the Cuban nation in its plurality and extension, in its diversity? Third: Do they embody movements rooted in sectors of real Cuban civil society? What are these social sectors? Fourth: Do they represent social groups that are disadvantaged, marginalized, without rights, helpless and voiceless, poor, invisible? The blacks of San Isidro? LGTBQs? Religious believers? Writers, artists, journalists, teachers, scientists? Fifth: Do they coexist with any other ideology that is not anti-communism? Sixth: In the case of the media, are they faithful to their declaration of \u201cinforming the public without ideological or partisan ties,\u201d \u201cwithout disqualifications,\u201d \u201cwithout any kind of militancy,\u201d \u201cwithout pedagogical pretenses\u201d? Seventh: Do they behave as if they could really represent a desirable alternative to the ills of the Cuban political system and the deficiencies of its media system?<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As can be seen, none of these seven objections includes receiving funds from agencies linked to the U.S. government or from anti-communist Hungarian millionaires. Not because this lacks significance, but because the main thing, for me, is in what they spend those funds, and above all, the support received not only in money, but in terms of power relations, which make these victims of Cuban totalitarianism stars of the great media and paradigms of the fight for freedom of thought.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The European right is not the only conservative supporter of this dissidence. The present circumstance has led to some other currents, not exactly foreign, having manifested themselves; as is the case of the Catholic Church and some of its representatives.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Such a lucid and insightful observer of Cuban society, culture and politics as Monsignor Carlos Manuel de C\u00e9spedes, regrettably absent for five years, had pointed out that \u201cthe bishops\u2014the Catholic hierarchy in Cuba\u2014have not historically distinguished themselves for their talent to direct\u2014\u2018shepherd\u2019\u2014the political dimension of the life of the Church.\u201d Instead of the burning bush through which Yahweh (Jehovah) dictates to the prophet the tables of the law as the absolute guide of the people chosen by God, Monsignor Carlos Manuel recommended to the \u201cCatholic Church to assume, limpid and consciously, our growing miscegenation and its repercussions in the religious field\u201d; as well as \u201cthe separation from the institutional Church and, especially, from its hierarchy, from political life according to the criteria, paths and dynamism typical of party politics&#8230;.\u201d to \u201capproach one\u2019s own paths,\u201d \u201cuse of language appropriate to evangelical values \u200b\u200b(respect, understanding love, serenity, trust),\u201d\u201c together with the promotion of the culture of tolerance and pluralism concomitant with human nature.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This reference is also relevant, because, to a large extent, among the opposition groups the intransigent spirit of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith prevails more\u2014if not the harsh rhetoric of the Holy Office\u2014than the banner of national reconciliation and dialogue.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As is known, one does not have to have been trained in the pedagogy of Marxism-Leninism of the manuals to be dogmatic. Nor is it required to have discriminated against or punished the unfaithful to that legacy to be sectarian, or to have directed brigades against hippies and gays in La Rampa. Sectarianism is replicated in groups that are outright anti-dogmatic; or having an open or decentralized, apparently pluralistic structure; and it is also enthroned in currents considered iconoclasts, questioners of a certain status quo, who postulate their own pattern of what is politically correct and what is not.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As the psychologists of religion have shown, the spirit of sect is built by assertion, in the manner of those who defend a faith and process it inward, instead of developing communication strategies with other groups that think differently from them. This spirit attacks its own members, when it perceives them as noncompliant with the principles of the group, often with more zeal and harshness than with the enemies. Anyone who disagrees with this rule deviates, and therefore may be more dangerous\u2014because he is or has been within the ranks\u2014than the enemy itself. The sectarian style is the same when it rebukes the opponents, identifying them in bloc as \u201csold out\u201d and \u201cmercenaries\u201d; or attributing to them \u201csilence in the face of abuse,\u201d \u201cself-censorship,\u201d \u201ccowardice,\u201d \u201ccomplicity with the regime.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is an especially complex situation for Cuban politics and its institutions. The 8th Congress of the PCC is approaching, which includes another change of political leadership. Subject to returning to this event and its historical moment, the situation seems to demand a permanent calibration of the measures adopted, aimed at achieving not only the efficiency pursued by the economic policy of the <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/tag\/ordenamiento\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Reorganization<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">However, accomplishing this complicated task of the economy, which is not merely technical, requires fostering social and political conditions. For example: maximizing a consensus that is today more heterogeneous and contradictory at the level of civil society; developing a media policy that facilitates political dialogue between leaders and those who are led, and that overcomes obsolete ideological lessons; practicing a style of leadership that deals with dissent within that society and channels its energy; as well as a more effective way of facing the interests that promote the erosion and fragmentation of this consensus, deploying the resources of politics, from the government and from society, to a greater extent than those of law and order.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In a text<\/span><b>1<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> almost twenty years ago about Cuban thought in the 20th century, its co-author and I affirmed that appreciating intellectual value did not imply ignoring its political imbrication, nor ignoring its ideological character. We recognized that among the most outstanding thinkers of Cuban culture there were people of different political affiliations, classes, generations, genders, sexualities, colors and ethnic identities, who had lived inside and outside the island. Hence, it is fundamental, if it\u2019s a question of cultural and nation, to distinguish the cultural value of that thought, and separate it from doctrinal formulations and pamphleteering expressions.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the midst of so much pamphlet masquerading as journalism, conservative indoctrination that usurps critical thinking, sectarianism wrapped in the banner of democracy, monologues that claim to advocate dialogue and the debate of ideas, and extremisms that polarize consensus, it would be worth stopping to think, with one\u2019s own head, and wondering where the national interest really lies.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">***<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>Note:<\/b><\/p>\n<p><b>1<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Rafael Hern\u00e1ndez and Rafael Rojas, \u201cPr\u00f3logo\u201d (<\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ensayo cubano del siglo XX. Antolog\u00eda<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. Fondo de Cultura Econ\u00f3mica, Mexico, 2002, p. 8 and 9).<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>In the midst of so much usurpation of critical thinking, it is worth asking where the national interest really lies.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3343,"featured_media":234941,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[34473],"tags":[17901],"ppma_author":[34051,15113],"class_list":["post-234940","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-in-plain-words","tag-economic-politics-in-cuba"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.3 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Consensus and dissent (IV and final) | OnCubaNews English<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, 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