{"id":246272,"date":"2021-11-26T17:08:00","date_gmt":"2021-11-26T22:08:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/?p=246272"},"modified":"2022-01-24T15:46:54","modified_gmt":"2022-01-24T20:46:54","slug":"antinomies-and-conflict-in-cuban-political-situation-ii","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/columns\/in-plain-words\/antinomies-and-conflict-in-cuban-political-situation-ii\/","title":{"rendered":"Antinomies and conflict in Cuban political situation (II)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">My grandmother, a first grade teacher in a public school in Cabaigu\u00e1n, used to get <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Bohemia<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> magazine. I got used to reading it, from back to front, starting with the graphic jokes. The only thing I jumped was the section where Jorge Ma\u00f1ach, Herminio Portell Vil\u00e1 and other prominent intellectuals wrote, because at the age of 10 I did not understand or was interested in the topics they were dealing with.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That intellectual journalism, which addressed all types of issues, is not very common among us today. Every time someone tells me that the average reader or the average viewer does not understand or is not interested in these topics, that they are too complex or sensitive, or that they are not prepared for political analysis, I wonder if they are talking about an island and a world inhabited by 10-year-olds.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Analyzing the political situation is not the same as stating the Cuba that the very diverse Cubans imagine or want. Although I also have one, I have limited myself <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/opinion\/columnas\/con-todas-sus-letras\/antinomias-y-conflicto-en-la-situacion-politica-cubana-i\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">here<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to commenting on the complexity of a consensus shared by these diverse Cubans, which does not consist of \u201calmost unanimous support,\u201d but rather of a social base with contradictory common sense, tensions and disparities aggravated by the crisis, as would be normal anywhere. Confusing the scale of the consensus with that of blood oxygen, such that a support of 97% indicates a \u201chealthy\u201d state, and a \u201cbarely 80% or 75%\u201d indicates \u201cseriously ill,\u201d would be a joke anywhere.<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"wp-embedded-content\" data-secret=\"zdCBHwWAYe\"><p><a href=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/columns\/in-plain-words\/antinomies-and-conflict-in-cuban-political-situation-i\/\">Antinomies and conflict in Cuban political situation (I)<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-embedded-content\" sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" style=\"position: absolute; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px);\" title=\"&#8220;Antinomies and conflict in Cuban political situation (I)&#8221; &#8212; OnCubaNews English\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/columns\/in-plain-words\/antinomies-and-conflict-in-cuban-political-situation-i\/embed\/#?secret=k54m1awkHF#?secret=zdCBHwWAYe\" data-secret=\"zdCBHwWAYe\" width=\"500\" height=\"282\" frameborder=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0\" marginheight=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Based on that mixed-up consensus that sustains the system right now, I attempt to examine the political situation based on three subjects: the new political opposition, the new government, and the new U.S. administration.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">No matter how new they may be, these actors and that conflict are not understood outside of history, without links with the past, with factors of power, structures, institutions, and without the interaction of opposing interests between two States, that of Cuba and that of the United States. However, it is essential to identify what these actors bring with them and differentiate them from their predecessors, their own problems, and especially, their particular context. Understanding them with a sense of this historical moment, of the fundamental change of circumstance that characterizes it, instead of thinking of them as islands that repeat themselves, as a famous Caribbeanist would say. Without discerning these, their own problems, in relation to the conflicts they face and with current Cuban society, it is not possible to reason about the political field, beyond ideological antinomies \u2014 as common sense tends to do.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Criticizing some postulates of this common sense that circulate in the media and even in intellectual discourse does not require getting philosophical or even having read Gramsci. Just put them to the test.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The following are an example. \u201cThis political system has no chance of change, because it is dominated by a Leninist scheme.\u201d \u201cThe Party-State is a block from top to bottom, immobile and immovable.\u201d \u201cNational reconciliation depends on the political will of the government to dialogue with the opposition.\u201d \u201cThe Catholic Church is a particularly gifted actor in mediating that reconciliation.\u201d \u201cWe are living black years for freedom of expression.\u201d \u201cThe dissidence of the artists responds to the lack of freedom of the union and the closure of cultural policies.\u201d \u201cYoung people have deserted the camp of the Revolution, and they want to go live abroad.\u201d \u201cThe disappointment of the poor and blacks with socialism has made them the social base of the opposition and its new leadership.\u201d And so on.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the substratum of almost everyone is the question of democratic functioning and citizen participation. To address it, it would be necessary to consider not only the so-called direct democracy mechanisms \u2014 street demonstration, plebiscite, etc. \u2014 or voting every five years, but above all, systematic participation in decision-making, policy control, channeling of opinion public, dialogue with the government. Is such participation possible without a more democratic system, including the Party itself?<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A few days ago, in an open letter to Cuba\u2019s President, a Spanish Jesuit reproached him about why he had not just recognized the total failure of the Revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Some have not noticed that in 2022 it will be 30 years of the reform to the Constitution that erased the concepts of <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">dictatorship of the proletariat<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vanguard of the working class<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. And that this year marked three decades of the elimination of <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">religious beliefs, as contradictory with Marxist and Leninist ideology<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I wonder if anyone presumes that being a <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">private entrepreneur<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> disqualifies them from holding positions or joining the Party. And that publicly criticizing Party policies by some militant makes him commit a flagrant violation of <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">democratic centralism<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All the concepts underlined above are in the decalogue of Leninism. To that list of heresies, it would be necessary to add others, considered incompatible with ideology by previous political education. For example, the end of the teaching of atheism in schools, the introduction of a constitutional article that allows families headed by same-sex couples, the dismantling of the compulsory study-work system in secondary education, freedom to reside abroad without losing their citizenship rights, etc. Perhaps the current problems of the Party are not precisely those attributed to a certain Leninism.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On the contrary, some Bolshevik practices could inspire greater democracy in Cuba. Let\u2019s say, the struggle of the rank and file, the Soviets and the unions to control the bureaucracy; the legitimacy of discrepancies in its ranks, such as the Workers\u2019 Opposition; the application of a New Economic Policy (NEP) with a market and mixed economy; the encouragement of systematic debate below and above; the possibility of exposing in <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pravda<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> the criteria of all the militants, not just some.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Legitimizing democratic changes in the Party, here and now, could consider what Ra\u00fal Castro himself said almost ten years ago: \u201cIf we have sovereignly chosen the option of the single Party, our responsibility is to promote greater democracy in our society, starting with setting an example in the ranks of the Party.\u201d So the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) is not above the reforms, nor is it just a leading subject in their application, but also the object of a policy that calls for \u201cchanging everything that must be changed.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Although we know that politics is not contained in speeches, the struggle to turn those words into reality has more support today than ever. What, however, is the yardstick to measure that democratization? Recognizing, dialoguing and negotiating with political organizations such as those that predominate in the Cuban opposition, on the island and in exile? An alternative question, consistent with the very Constitution of the system: <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">is it desirable for a socialist system to accommodate a \u201cloyal opposition\u201d (defined by its purpose to improve the system, not to liquidate it)?<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Interviewing a group of subjects with institutional responsibilities seven years ago, this question produced dissimilar answers.<\/span><sup><b>1<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A former president of the National Assembly supported \u201cthe parliamentarization of society,\u201d \u201cthe constant discussion,\u201d in factories and collectives, \u201cof problems and the proposals to face them,\u201d not the \u201cmanipulation of dissent in more or less loyal \u2018oppositions\u2019.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">An acting General Secretary of the Union of Young Communists (UJC) affirmed that \u201ca dissent among revolutionaries is very necessary.\u201d \u201cIn Cuba we still do not know that [loyal] opposition, because the people financed by a foreign government to overthrow the Revolution can only be called mercenaries.\u201d And she added, \u201cI don\u2019t think we have reached the ideal democracy either&#8230;. I don\u2019t rule out any formula for more socialism.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A popular educator from a religious NGO opined: \u201cIt is necessary to make clear the points that are not in negotiation; that is, what to be loyal to.\u2026 There is the loyalty to the principles of social equity, personal and national dignity, sovereignty, socialization of power, the economy and happiness; loyalty to the popular power exercised by the people. If the bet is on these [principles], loyalty to political forms becomes more flexible, since it would be the government that would enforce those principles.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">An academic jurist defined it as \u201can opposition that complies with everyone\u2019s law, that does not intend, through intolerance, to demand tolerance from the State; that does not use banners of exclusionary and inhumane ideologies, that respects public order and the regulations that we have given ourselves in a democracy, that is loyal to the rule of law, and therefore itself is essential.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A People\u2019s Power delegate in Marianao replied: \u201cWe have to give possibilities to this type of opposition; the one that does not agree with the things that are badly done, and that can propose how to solve them&#8230;. If it is in good faith, opposing things that do not give results helps to improve the socialist system, which is ultimately the people&#8230;. Sometimes we criticize those who say the truth, and we consider that they have political problems, but what these people want is to see results.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">An acting president of a cultural institution called it \u201can antinomy. Because it is really opposition if it shows a certain level of organization, if it constitutes an alternative to the established powers. A revolutionary who opposes\u201d a particular policy \u201cis not an opponent; he\u2019s just someone who disagrees.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The editor of a Catholic magazine said that \u201caction must be taken to improve the system established by consensus and not to eliminate it&#8230;. Those who have other ideological preferences must accept it with humility, but without ceasing to contribute their criteria and projects, although made available to the realization of the interests of the people. Thus we could enjoy a socialism capable of integrating, even, ideological diversity&#8230;. An opposition that&#8230;to achieve its political purposes&#8230;, allies itself with foreign powers&#8230;, that has organic ties with national or foreign bodies in charge of promoting subversion, which does not take care of the sovereignty of the country or social harmony would not be loyal.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The difference in nuances within the institutions of the State and within civil society is not only noticeable in these interviews, but also between their visions then and those now, in some particular cases.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A dozen years ago, in an official Cuban media, I mentioned the question of the loyal opposition: \u201cWill Cuban socialism be able to admit in the future, together with a renewed democratic institutionality, a decentralized system, a non-state sector, also a loyal opposition, within the system itself? That is not a question for U.S. congresspeople and European parliamentarians, but for Cubans who live their future on the island.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Curiously, while the Catholic magazine <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Espacio Laical<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> celebrated the concept some time later, to the point of convening an event in 2013 where it was debated, the editorialists of <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Cubaencuentro<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> considered it a crude ploy, \u201ca padlock,\u201d behind which the hairy ear of the ruling party disguised as \u201cliberal loquacity\u201d stuck out, aimed at \u201crefreshing\u201d the totalitarian discourse.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">They seemed to ignore that those who coined it, in the mid-19th century, did not conceive it as a formula to \u201cseize power\u201d or change the British system, but to make it more politically effective and broaden its consensus. They did not seek precisely to \u201cconsent\u201d to the dissenters, but to incorporate them into the complex task of governing. Which explains why the U.S. party democracy never assimilated it, given its staunch 200-year-old bipartisanship.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I have expanded on this point because it illustrates the gap of a <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">national reconciliation<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> that some dream of solving in one leap. It also shows criteria within the Revolution, below and above, that endorse a realistic democratization. Rephrased seven years later, that question would read today like this: to what extent would a policy aimed at expanding consensus, that integrates the <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">loyal opposition<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> to the political space, be congruent with the new style of government? And it could be added: is it in the national interest that this <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">loyal opposition<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> within the system, in favor of a more democratic socialism, be an option for those who advocate for change, instead of leaving them out, and that some end up being carried away by the anti-communist opposition?<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I can see a reader who is already wondering: And what would the United States do? To comment on it, a third round would be needed.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u2014\u2014\u2014\u2014<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>1<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> \u201cHacer pol\u00edtica socialista: un simposio,\u201d interviewer Daniel Salas, <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Temas<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> # 78, April-June, 2014.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>I attempt to examine the political situation based on three subjects: the new political opposition, the new government, and the new U.S. administration.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3343,"featured_media":246274,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[34473],"tags":[34404,14891,18961,34408],"ppma_author":[34051],"class_list":["post-246272","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-in-plain-words","tag-15n","tag-cuba-usa-relations","tag-cuban-government","tag-cuban-opposition"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.3 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Antinomies and conflict in Cuban political situation (II) | OnCubaNews English<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"I attempt to examine the political situation based on three subjects: the new political opposition, the new government, and the new U.S. administration.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, 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Cuba\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/oncubanews.com\\\/en\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/oncubanews.com\\\/en\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/5650cb74c449fac8f3768e437ebedc96\",\"name\":\"Rafael Hern\u00e1ndez\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/oncubanews.com\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2023\\\/02\\\/cropped-Rafael-hernandez-96x96.jpg87617760fa3158b53a80504cba03e955\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/oncubanews.com\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2023\\\/02\\\/cropped-Rafael-hernandez-96x96.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/oncubanews.com\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2023\\\/02\\\/cropped-Rafael-hernandez-96x96.jpg\",\"caption\":\"Rafael 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