{"id":248105,"date":"2022-01-16T18:08:53","date_gmt":"2022-01-16T23:08:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/?p=248105"},"modified":"2022-01-16T18:08:53","modified_gmt":"2022-01-16T23:08:53","slug":"soviet-terror-and-memory-in-the-present","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/cuba\/soviet-terror-and-memory-in-the-present\/","title":{"rendered":"Soviet terror and memory in the present"},"content":{"rendered":"

Montesquieu introduced the term \u201cterror\u201d into the political vocabulary and considered it \u201cthe defining characteristic of the guiding principle of despotism.\u201d The concept would acquire its historical resonance up to the present in the wake of the French Revolution, and has many contradictory discussions about what to understand by it.<\/span><\/p>\n

Terror, of course, is not the exclusive domain of revolutions. The terror present in the Inquisition, in slavery \u2014 the slave ship itself is a device of terror \u2014 or in fascism and the \u201cnational security dictatorships\u201d is unquestionable, but they have not been dealt with as facets of the same concept of \u201cTerror.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Something similar happens with \u201cterrorism,\u201d definable as \u201cdeliberate attacks against non-combatant civilians in a conflict situation,\u201d an issue that deserves its own and differentiated treatment.<\/span><\/p>\n

I am going to deal specifically here with what has been called \u201cSoviet terror.\u201d Its presence in the Soviet process born of the October Revolution raises a fundamental question: how and by what means an event \u2014 in this case a great revolution, such as that of October 1917 \u2014 that promotes freedom, justice and modern notions of tolerance \u2014 is capable of harboring a spiral of blood and terror.<\/span><\/p>\n

Historians generally agree that Terror, as a specific policy, began with the assassination of Sergei M. Kirov, head of the Leningrad party committee, in December 1934, and ended with the removal of Nikolai l. Ezhov, head of the NKVD, in November 1938.<\/span><\/p>\n

In any case, the historical use of \u201cTerror\u201d in the post-revolutionary Soviet Union (USSR) refers to the period after the victory; its use was the means to secure that victory. In the process, a snake that bites its tail: the leaders seem to conceive that the Revolution cannot survive without \u201cTerror,\u201d while it destroys their chances of survival, be they those of the process or their own.<\/span><\/p>\n

Causes, origins and explanations: Stalin, and beyond<\/b><\/p>\n

The Stalinist \u201cTerror\u201d cannot be explained according to the \u201cundemocratic\u201d genealogy of revolutionary ideas. The very thinking of the leaders of the Soviet revolution is controversial, about whether there is a line of continuity between Lenin and Stalin, or even between the latter and socialism. The distinction has been made profusely, both within original Bolshevism and outside Marxism in general.<\/span><\/p>\n

In the first side, Victor Serge affirmed the radical separation, in moral, philosophical and political terms, between Stalinism and \u201cauthentic\u201d socialism. In the second, Hanna Arendt differentiated between Lenin\u2019s \u201cdictatorial\u201d terror and Stalin\u2019s \u201ctotalitarian\u201d terror.<\/span><\/p>\n

Soviet terror has its proper names that emphasize the role of a leader, as happens with the names of \u201cStalinist terror,\u201d or that of \u201cYezhovshchina\u201d \u2014 \u201cthe time of Yezhov.\u201d Stalin\u2019s hand appears in the planning and development of \u201cTerror,\u201d and Yezhov led the NKVD from November 1936 to November 1938 \u2014 the peak of the \u201cGreat Terror\u201d or Great Purge \u2014 but its figures should not be considered sole causes of that process.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nor can \u201cTerror\u201d be explained exclusively through the circumstances, although these have been decisive in shaping the scenario.<\/span><\/p>\n

The enemies of Soviet power were not imaginary. The imminent reality of World War II gave the \u201cmassive operations\u201d of repression of 1937 and 1938 their \u201cparticular cruelty.\u201d<\/span>1<\/b><\/sup> The operations against ethnic minorities located in border areas sought to avoid the formation of \u201cfifth columns\u201d within the national territory that could ally with the aggressors.<\/span><\/p>\n

Now then, contrary to the thesis of \u201cneeds imposed by circumstances,\u201d it is known that after the victory in World War II \u201cTerror\u201d continued (after certain suspensions between 1942 and 1945) and the totalitarian structure of the Soviet state became steadfast. In addition to cultural reasons anchored in Russian history, other structural causes also contribute to partial explanations of the origin of terror: the upheavals of industrialization and collectivization caused social tensions that were critical for the spread of Terror.<\/span>2<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n

Mindset and \u201cconspiracy culture\u201d are also part of the explanation. Rituals of \u201cunmasking\u201d \u201cuntrustworthy\u201d co-workers, internal reviews, accusations and denunciations led to a spiral of guilty pleas. Judging common crimes as political crimes multiplied the presence of \u201cenemies of the people.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Deployment of Terror<\/b><\/p>\n

Among the explanations of the conditions of possibility of the Soviet \u201cTerror\u201d are the harsh traits of that system: party dictatorship, state monopoly ownership, and bureaucratically run economy.<\/span>3<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n

Thanks to the first trait, organized political responses were hampered; for the second, any failure in production was considered \u201cwork of the enemy\u201d; for the third, the bureaucracy became shielded as decision-making power.<\/span><\/p>\n

The consequences of all this were devastating in all dimensions, not only for the field of ideas. When it comes to science, the Soviet system, at different times, did not \u201cfeel comfortable with post-Einsteinian physics,\u201d nor did it \u201ctune in to the biological sciences\u201d while grappling with genetics.<\/span><\/p>\n

For this reason, dire consequences were experienced in areas as \u201cpractical\u201d as agricultural production.<\/span>4<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n

The level <\/span>of education in the entire apparatus in charge<\/span> of the repression did its part. Between 1929-1930, no more than a quarter of police chiefs had taken the two-month training course that all were required to complete.<\/span><\/p>\n

In 1935, almost two thirds of the investigators of the Office of the Prosecutor had no legal training; 60% had no education beyond elementary school; half of all judges had no legal training, including 41 of the fifty-six on the Supreme Court of the Russian Republic.<\/span><\/p>\n

For Robert Thurston, such characteristics \u201chardened the actions of the police and the judiciary, while their ignorance led them to accept what high-ranking officials told them.\u201d<\/span>5<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n

This policy was accompanied by a repressive \u201clinguistic machine,\u201d which communicated in a \u201cstrange and mysterious language\u201d the objectives of power. Exercising this policy from a \u201csituation of authority\u201d previously considered legitimate, facilitated the deployment of repression.<\/span><\/p>\n

The figures of \u201cTerror\u201d and the new studies after the opening of archives<\/b><\/p>\n

The opening of the Soviet archives made it possible to review figures and approaches. The estimated numbers of arrests and executions during the Great Terror, first handled by authors like Robert Conquest in the midst of the Cold War, were grossly overstated.<\/span><\/p>\n

The new details did not relativize suffering, but placed the figures on realistic ground. If the estimate of people arrested earlier had been calculated between 7 and 20 million, the new figures showed some 2.5 million detainees for political and non-political crimes. Executions, previously estimated at about 7 million, were then estimated at 681,692, one-tenth of the previous figure. At the same time, the range of repressed groups turned out to be greater than imagined. Specifically, the so-called \u201cmassive operations\u201d resulted in the arrest of 766,000 people, of which 385,000 were executed.<\/span>6<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n

The new history built on those archives confirmed Stalin\u2019s personal role. Until 1937 Stalin appears \u201cto have been neither a \u2018bureaucratic moderator\u2019 nor a \u2018careful planner.\u2019\u201d<\/span>7<\/b><\/sup> Only after that year would he have decided on mass repression and massacre.<\/span><\/p>\n

The hypothesis of \u201cliberal\u201d or \u201cdecent\u201d Bolsheviks who tried unsuccessfully to stop Stalin\u2019s terror plan became less tenable and the notion of total central power in the repressive deployment was questioned. The massive repression was more than a means to fight against the enemies of the state. Under Stalin, it became a constitutive part of Soviet state policy.<\/span><\/p>\n

The memory of \u201cTerror,\u201d and its problems<\/b><\/p>\n

The crucial role played by the Soviet people in the defeat of fascism has traditionally contributed to underlining the positive legacy of the USSR, and thus to the silencing of \u201cTerror.\u201d However, some recent processes have further complicated this story, when it is told uncritically.<\/span><\/p>\n

In 2020, various actions by Russian President Vladimir Putin mobilized critical debates about Stalinist \u201cTerror.\u201d First, the president published a text that was \u201cverbatim copy of the propaganda [about the USSR] dating back to the era of Stalin and Brezhnev.\u201d It was not the first time he had done so, but the article was considered by the <\/span>(Russian) Institute of National Memory<\/span><\/a> as an explicit attempt to \u201crevive the Stalinist view of modern history.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Then, <\/span>he inaugurated a monument in memory of the victims of the Stalinist purges<\/span><\/a>, called \u201cWall of Pain,\u201d which dissidents of the Soviet period considered an act of official cynicism, due to the sustained attack on civil liberties carried out under the current administration.<\/span><\/p>\n

In the process, Putin has matched criticism of Stalin with attacks on Russia itself. In 2021, he just outlawed the <\/span>Memorial NGO<\/span><\/i>, which has documented repressions carried out by Soviet bodies \u2014 Putin himself was part of them in his day \u2014 as well as the contemporary persecution of the opposition in that country. According to the government, the objective of such acts is to protect the country from \u201cforeign influence.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

That policy has specific interests in the Pan-Russian relocation in today\u2019s world, but, beyond that, it has dire consequences for the new global left. <\/span>\u00a0According to Enzo Traverso<\/span><\/a>, \u201cStalin combined the cult of technical modernity with a radical and authoritarian form of Enlightenment: socialism was transformed into a \u2018cold utopia.\u2019 Without elaborating on this historical experience, the new world left will not be able to win.\u2019\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

***<\/span><\/p>\n

Notes and Sources consulted:<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

1 <\/b>McLoughlin, Barry; McDermott, Kevin (2004): <\/span>Stalin\u2019s Terror. High politics and mass repression in the Soviet Union<\/span><\/i>. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, New York: PALGRAVE MACMILLAN: 85\u2013113.<\/span><\/p>\n

2<\/b> Goldman, Wendy Z. (2011): <\/span>Inventing the enemy. Denunciation and terror in Stalin\u2019s Russia<\/span><\/i>. New York: Cambridge University Press: 306.<\/span><\/p>\n

3<\/b> Gregory, Paul R. (2009): <\/span>Terror by quota. State security from Lenin to Stalin: (an archival study)<\/span><\/i>. New Haven: Yale University Press (The Yale-Hoover series on Stalin, Stalinism, and the Cold War: 248\u2013280).<\/span><\/p>\n

4<\/b> Hobsbawm, E. J. (1999): <\/span>Historia del siglo XX<\/span><\/i>. Spanish translation by Juan Fac\u00ed, Jordi Ainaud and Carme Castells, Argentina: Cr\u00edtica, Grijalbo, Mondadori.<\/span><\/p>\n

5<\/b> Thurston, Robert W. (1996): <\/span>Life and terror in Stalin\u2019s Russia<\/span><\/i>, 1934-1941. New Haven: Yale University Press.<\/span><\/p>\n

6<\/b> Goldman, Wendy Z. (2007): <\/span>Terror and democracy in Stalin\u2019s Russia<\/span><\/i>. New York: Cambridge University Press.<\/span><\/p>\n

7 <\/b>Getty, John Arch; Naumov, Oleg V.; Sher, Benjamin (2010): <\/span>The road to terror. Stalin and the self-destruction of the Bolsheviks, 1932-39<\/span><\/i> (Annals of communism), Yale University Press; Updated and Abridged edition.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Terror is not the exclusive domain of revolutions. The terror present in the Inquisition, in slavery or in fascism and the \u201cnational security dictatorships\u201d is unquestionable, but they have not been dealt with as facets of the same concept of \u201cTerror.\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":80,"featured_media":248107,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[13902],"tags":[14961,9916,34469],"ppma_author":[33569],"class_list":["post-248105","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-cuba","tag-communism","tag-soviet-union","tag-stalin"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nSoviet terror and memory in the present | OnCubaNews English<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Terror is not the exclusive domain of revolutions. 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