{"id":248884,"date":"2022-02-04T14:54:16","date_gmt":"2022-02-04T19:54:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/?p=248884"},"modified":"2022-02-04T14:55:40","modified_gmt":"2022-02-04T19:55:40","slug":"the-problem-of-sedition","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/columns\/our-life\/the-problem-of-sedition\/","title":{"rendered":"The problem of sedition"},"content":{"rendered":"

On July 11 (J11), 2021, the largest protests since 1959 in the country took place in Cuba; four days after that day, <\/span>Granma<\/span><\/i> newspaper <\/span>assured <\/span><\/a>that the behavior committed that day typified common crimes. Specifically, public disorder, attack, resistance, contempt and disobedience were identified.<\/span><\/p>\n

In contrast, <\/span>at least 158 \u200b\u200bpeople<\/span><\/a>, according to the <\/span>Justicia 11<\/span><\/a> website, have been or are being charged with sedition. The <\/span>Attorney General\u2019s Office declared<\/span><\/a> a total of 790 prosecuted for J11, without specifying how many would be charged for this cause.<\/span><\/p>\n

Until January 24, 2022, for more than six months after J11, <\/span>Granma<\/span><\/i> did not mention the concept of \u201csedition.\u201d In addition, <\/span>in the recent statement of the Prosecutor\u2019s Office there are novelties<\/span><\/a> regarding what <\/span>Granma<\/span><\/i> newspaper itself<\/span><\/a> published <\/span>on the subject in July 2021<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

I will refer to three new descrptions that appeared in that note: \u201cin a tumultuous manner,\u201d \u201cserious disturbance of public order,\u201d and \u201cdeliberate purpose of subverting the constitutional order.\u201d Before doing so, I will briefly mention the history of the crime of sedition in Cuba, to better understand the problems of its appearance in this scenario.<\/span><\/p>\n

My interest here is to discuss the relevance and applicability of the sedition concept, in the terms of the Cuban Penal Code and politics, with respect to the J11 processes.<\/span><\/p>\n

Sedition in Cuban history<\/b><\/p>\n

Before and during the wars of Independence, a vast crime registry condemned expressions or acts of opposition to \u201cdisrupt the seditious works of the separatist people.\u201d<\/span>1<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n

The Spanish Penal Code in force in Cuba required the presence of a \u201cpublic uprising\u201d for sedition. For this reason, sentences such as the one suffered by the young Jos\u00e9 Mart\u00ed \u2014 six years of forced labor \u2014 were due to \u201clack of confidence.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The word \u201cseditious\u201d was used by the intervening U.S. government (1898) to combat the nascent Cuban labor movement.<\/span>2<\/b><\/sup> In a rigged trial against the Partido Independiente de Color (PIC), its leaders were tried (1910) \u201cbecause their propaganda was not only illegal but also seditious.\u201d<\/span>3<\/b><\/sup> Once the PIC had been suppressed in 1912, four farmers from G\u00fcines went to prison for said crime.<\/span>4<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n

After the Batista coup d\u2019\u00e9tat, sedition appeared, with \u201crelative frequency,\u201d in the Emergency Court of Havana, or as a related crime to condemn revolutionaries. In 1953 the plotting military was tried for sedition.<\/span>5<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n

After 1959, Huber Matos <\/span>was sentenced to 20 years in prison, for sedition<\/span><\/a>. In 1999, Vladimiro Roca Ant\u00fanez, Ren\u00e9 G\u00f3mez Manzano, Martha Beatriz Roque Cabello and F\u00e9lix Bonne Carcass\u00e9s were sentenced between three and five years <\/span>on charges of sedition<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

Then, this has not been a frequent figure in the courts or in the official discourse. It is not found in the <\/span>Granma<\/span><\/i> archives, nor in the collection of the <\/span>Revista Cubana de Derecho<\/span><\/i>.<\/span>6<\/b><\/sup> Those charged with sedition do not appear after the \u201cMaleconazo\u201d (rafters\u2019 crisis, 1994), nor is it mentioned in <\/span>any of the speeches Fidel Castro<\/span><\/a> gave in August 1994.<\/span><\/p>\n

The regulation for the crime of sedition in Cuba<\/b><\/p>\n

According to the Penal Code<\/span><\/a>, sedition is a \u201ccrime against the internal security of the state,\u201d of a political nature. Prisoners under that charge can be considered political prisoners, although it is a matter for debate.<\/span><\/p>\n

The crime is defined in this way: \u201cThose who, tumultuously and by express or tacit concert, using violence, disturb the socialist order or the holding of elections or referendums, or prevent the carrying out of any sentence, legal provision or measure dictated by the government, or by a civil or military authority in the exercise of their respective functions, or refuse to obey them, or make demands, or resist fulfilling their duties…\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The sanctioning framework is very broad. Depending on the conditions, it goes from one year to eight, to 10 to 20 years in prison, or the death penalty. The <\/span>sentences for sedition that are already known<\/span><\/a> reach the legal limit of deprivation of liberty: 20 years. In the cases that are greater, it must be due to adding related crimes.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Penal Code regulation presents serious problems.<\/span><\/p>\n

The first has to do with the distinction with rebellion. In other legal systems \u2014 although it is another, technical, subject under discussion \u2014 sedition is considered a \u201csecond degree rebellion.\u201d Therefore, the penalties are lower.<\/span><\/p>\n

In Spain, for example, prison sentences for rebellion, depending on aggravating circumstances, range from 10 to 30 years. The <\/span>Proc\u00e9s<\/span><\/i> sentence (2019) denied the charge of rebellion for the institutional leaders of the Catalan independence movement, and reduced the charge to sedition. The<\/span>\u00a0highest sanction, for Oriol Junqueras<\/span><\/a>, was 13 years for sedition plus embezzlement. This, Spain being <\/span>a negative example in Europe<\/span><\/a> of the sedition regulation.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Cuban regulation requires, for the description of the crime as rebellion, the use of weapons, but not so for sedition. Then, the degree of violence seems crucial to distinguish between the two. However, the sanction can be the same: \u201cdeprivation of liberty for ten to twenty years or the death penalty,\u201d when the sedition occurs \u201cduring a serious disturbance of public order\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

During the Chilean social unrest, those who threw Molotov cocktails <\/span>were sentenced to between 3 and 5 years in prison <\/span><\/a>.<\/span>7<\/b><\/sup> These sanctions were very low for such episodes of violence, compared to the sanctions of J11, because the framing of similar acts as sedition multiplies the severity of the penalty.<\/span><\/p>\n

The mere mention of \u201cviolence\u201d no longer explains the degree to which it is committed. Public information is needed on the criteria used to define the degrees of violence, and thus be able to assess the proportionality of the sanctions.<\/span><\/p>\n

The definition of tumult<\/b><\/p>\n

The Prosecutor\u2019s Office mentions acts committed \u201cin a tumultuous manner\u201d to fit them into the description of sedition. In July 2021, Jos\u00e9 Luis Reyes Blanco, head of the Supervision Department of the Directorate of Criminal Proceedings, did not use the word \u201ctumult.\u201d <\/span>Neither did Moraima Bravet Gar\u00f3falo<\/span><\/a>, head of the General Directorate of Criminal Investigation of the Ministry of the Interior.<\/span><\/p>\n

At the time, <\/span>Reyes Blanco explained<\/span><\/a> that the crime of attack is aggravated by the presence of two or more people. In other words, there are legal forms that sanction the gathering of people, and thereby cause damage to people and property, which is not equivalent to \u201ctumult.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

In the aggravated version of the attack, the sanction reaches 8 years. If an act similar to that of an attack is framed as sedition, the sanction is multiplied. In such a case, the choice of penal description may reveal political motivations interested in over-criminalizing.<\/span><\/p>\n

In any case, it is necessary to clearly define what is meant by \u201ctumult.\u201d Faced with the <\/span>Proc\u00e9s<\/span><\/i> sentence, experts assured that the \u201ctumult\u201d typical of sedition is only a <\/span>support of \u201cthousands of people,\u201d<\/span><\/a> who \u201ccreate altercations,\u201d which give rise to \u201cthe normal activity of the group or part of the citizenry being paralyzed.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Thus, it is a question of massive disobedience and connected to acts of resistance, which manages to successfully paralyze, for a certain period of time, state functions. The Cuban Prosecutor\u2019s Office has not offered data on these matters: the number of people it considered a \u201ctumult\u201d is officially unknown, as well as the amount of the massiveness of the protest in general.<\/span>8<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n

\u201cPublic order\u201d and its definition<\/b><\/p>\n

Another regulatory problem in the Cuban regulation on sedition is the definition of \u201cserious disturbance of public order.\u201d <\/span>It is a common issue in Cuban legislation<\/span><\/a>: to take indeterminate concepts as if they were already described facts.<\/span><\/p>\n

A described act is to attempt against the holding of referendums or prevent the compliance of a sentence, as does the very article 100, but attempting against \u201cpublic order\u201d is an indeterminate concept, which is \u201cmixed\u201d in the regulation of the Code with described facts. In law, it is not possible to confuse both notions.<\/span><\/p>\n

Article 100 also mentions \u201csocialist order,\u201d a concept that is even more problematic to define in legal terms. The Constitution regulates rights and duties in relation to public order, not against an ideological program. Furthermore, in 2021 itself, at the official level, there was still discussion about how to \u201c<\/span>conceptualize<\/span><\/a>\u201d that program.<\/span><\/p>\n

In the world, the use of concepts open to interpretation, and thus ambiguous, in criminal descriptions correspond to conservative criminal tendencies.<\/span>9<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n

To avoid major problems with indeterminate concepts, an important part of the international regulations on sedition are concrete and limited in scope, without leaving places as open to interpretation as are the indeterminate concepts of the \u201cpublic order\u201d description.<\/span>10<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n

A conflict related to the above is to add to the Cuban causes of sedition the fact of \u201cmaking demands\u201d on the State. It is a very unique content of the Cuban Code, with scarce parallel in the world.<\/span><\/p>\n

Another problem refers to the <\/span>expression of the Prosecutor\u2019s Office<\/span><\/a> on the \u201cdeliberate purpose of subverting the constitutional order.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The \u201cvandalistic\u201d procedure, underlined by the government from J11 to today \u2014 also by the <\/span>Prosecutor\u2019s Office <\/span><\/a>\u2014, may lead to an attack on the constitutional order, but it is a different type of action than the one that supposes \u201cdeliberation\u201d to commit a political crime.<\/span><\/p>\n

In this, it must be demonstrated to the public that the protests effectively responded to an \u201cenemy plan\u201d \u2014 <\/span>beyond the specific events denounced, as payment for actions of violence induced for disinformation<\/span><\/a> \u2014, how that plan had the capacity to organize demonstrations throughout of the country, and how it was successful against the surveillance of State Security and the police forces.<\/span><\/p>\n

During the same week after J11, the government discourse tinged its descriptions about the protesters, and also placed economic and social factors at the origin of the protests. After that, <\/span>it launched an intervention plan in 65 impoverished neighborhoods<\/span><\/a>. Such acknowledgment shows, at least, inconsistencies regarding the description of sedition.<\/span><\/p>\n

The problem of public order, and its democratic protection, is a political issue, it is not made up only with the claim of \u201cnormal functioning of the institutions.\u201d Said only in this way, the concept of \u201cpublic order\u201d that was used, for example, by the Francisco Franco regime would be repeated.<\/span><\/p>\n

Sedition, political rights and the legitimacy of social protest<\/b><\/p>\n

The Latin American social outbreaks were presented by the regional right-wing governments as acts of \u201cvandals\u201d and \u201cseditious elements.\u201d They did so claiming external enemies, such as \u201cVenezuelan influence,\u201d or internal ones, such as \u201csubversive\u201d actions.<\/span><\/p>\n

According to a study published by CLACSO<\/span><\/a>, the actions of the Ecuadorian State in October 2019 showed a \u201crusty understanding of national security in terms of combating the internal enemy,\u201d and \u201calways ignored the legitimacy of the mobilizations.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

In these contexts, the issue of violence has been brandished as a class discourse to repudiate the consequences entailed by every democratic conflict, and to establish an idea of \u200b\u200bfreedom understood only as security.<\/span><\/p>\n

Politicizing, making more complex, the discussion about \u201cviolence from below\u201d is a need that is as democratic as it is revolutionary. As well as opening institutional and political paths to peaceful protest, and the exercise of the rights of demonstration, assembly and expression.<\/span><\/p>\n

Characterizing J11 only as an attempt at a \u201csoft coup\u201d closes all legitimacy to the expression of conflicts. The multiple U.S. operations on these events, strictly described as a hybrid war, do not deprive these protests of their popular core with demands for quality of life, freedom, and justice.<\/span><\/p>\n

The Cuban State must deal with the threat posed by the power of the United States, with its specific project of being an internal actor in Cuban politics, while managing the demands of its citizens. The main field of solutions to this conflict is social and political, not that of the police or State Security.<\/span><\/p>\n

The future<\/b><\/p>\n

Various solutions have been given to the specific \u201cproblem\u201d of the consequences of social protest. Amnesty is one of them.<\/span><\/p>\n

In June 2021, Spanish President Pedro S\u00e1nchez pardoned the nine prisoners of <\/span>Proc\u00e9s<\/span><\/i>, with the aim of \u201copening a new time for dialogue,\u201d a fact that the Spanish right, such as the Popular Party and VOX, <\/span>threatened to challenge<\/span><\/a>, without success.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

President-elect <\/span>Gabriel Boric has called for amnesty or pardon<\/span><\/a> for Chilean protesters. He did it to \u201cfind the best solution that manages to close the wounds.\u201d The right opposes the pardon, and assures that there are no \u201cpolitical prisoners\u201d in that country.<\/span><\/p>\n

Dealing politically with what is political, making strict use of Criminal Law, amnesty for the J11 prisoners \u2014 starting with the 55 defendants aged between 16 and 18 \u2014 who have not committed serious acts for persons and property, and reviewing the applied criminal figures, would be part of a path interested in solutions.<\/span><\/p>\n

According to a study published in Cuba, after \u201ca moment of profound reform towards decriminalization and the reversal of the intervention of Criminal Law in the late 1980s, the trend has been towards criminalization and aggravation of sentences.\u201d<\/span>11<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n

The <\/span>new Draft of the Criminal Code<\/span><\/a> contains aspects that reinforce this very negative trend: the sentence for sedition raises the punishable minimum to three years, and increases the maximum to 30 years, or life imprisonment, and maintains the death penalty, <\/span>a growing rarity in the world<\/span><\/a>.<\/span>12<\/b><\/sup><\/p>\n

The least indicated route to the immediate future of the Cuban crisis is the combination of chronic food shortages, lack of housing, salary and decent retirement, increased poverty, inequality and privileges, with repression and authoritarianism. The democratic defense of public order is not the defense of the principle of State authority, but of the social exercise of the reciprocal rights of freedom and justice.<\/span><\/p>\n

During N27, filmmaker Fernando P\u00e9rez assured that \u201cthe new language that Cuban culture needs\u201d was heard there. His phrase could be expanded: the interdependence of rights, and their exercise, is the new language that the Cuban nation needs.<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\n

Notes<\/strong>:<\/span><\/p>\n

1<\/b> Within the independence camp, the actions against the Republic in arms were also called sedition, such as Lagunas de Varona (1875) and Santa Rita (1877).<\/span><\/p>\n

2<\/b> La Discusi\u00f3n<\/span><\/i>, September 27, 1899.<\/span><\/p>\n

3<\/b> The indictment later changed that crime to \u201cconspiracy to rebellion.\u201d Rodriguez, Rolando (2010). <\/span>La conspiraci\u00f3n de los iguales. La protesta de los Independientes de Color en 1912<\/span><\/i>. Havana: Imagen Contempor\u00e1nea, p. 138<\/span><\/p>\n

4<\/b> Helg, Aline (2000). <\/span>Lo que nos corresponde. La lucha de los negros y mulatos por la igualdad en Cuba (1886-1912)<\/span><\/i>. Havana: Imagen Contempor\u00e1nea, p. 293<\/span><\/p>\n

5<\/b> These data appear in an ongoing investigation by Amalia P\u00e9rez Mart\u00edn. She generously shared this data with me, for which I thank her.<\/span><\/p>\n

6<\/b> I consulted from 1972 to 2011.<\/span><\/p>\n

7<\/b> There is nothing to celebrate in the actions of the Chilean State during those days, responsible for more than 30 deaths, thousands of injuries and detainees, and violations of rights, including many violations of due process.<\/span><\/p>\n

8<\/b> Inventario<\/span><\/i>, an unofficial data journalism website, constructed <\/span>a map of the protests<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

9<\/b> \u201cLas Tendencias del Derecho Penal moderno. Breve acercamiento a la legislaci\u00f3n penal cubana,\u201d (2017) in Reflexiones desde la toga. La justicia penal en Cuba. (Mar\u00eda Caridad Bertot Yero Coordinator), ONBC Editions. ISBN: 978-959-7234-63-0.<\/span><\/p>\n

10<\/b> Here are some examples. To describe as sedition, in Spain reference is not made to political objectives, but rather to prevent specific state functions. In Ecuador, military or police officers are sanctioned. In Panama, whoever \u201cuses the armed forces or usurps their powers, takes command of the troops, plazas, public security posts,…\u201d In Mexico, those who \u201cresist or attack the authority to prevent the free exercise of their functions.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

11<\/b> \u201cLas Tendencias del Derecho Penal moderno. Breve acercamiento a la legislaci\u00f3n penal cubana,\u201d Ob. Cit.<\/span><\/p>\n

12<\/b> After three sentences carried out in 2003, there is a moratorium on capital punishment in Cuba. That <\/span>was the last time the death penalty was applied<\/span><\/a> in Latin America.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Regarding an aspect of the sanctions for J11 in Cuba.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":80,"featured_media":248889,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[17953],"tags":[34408,34383],"ppma_author":[33569],"class_list":["post-248884","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-our-life","tag-cuban-opposition","tag-july-11"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nThe problem of sedition | OnCubaNews English<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Regarding an aspect of the sanctions for J11 in Cuba.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/columns\/our-life\/the-problem-of-sedition\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" 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