{"id":250009,"date":"2022-03-05T10:59:07","date_gmt":"2022-03-05T15:59:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/?p=250009"},"modified":"2022-03-05T11:00:05","modified_gmt":"2022-03-05T16:00:05","slug":"60-years-is-nothing-iv","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/cuba\/60-years-is-nothing-iv\/","title":{"rendered":"60 years is nothing (IV)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At a meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC), at the end of January 1968, Fidel Castro would explain the Soviet pressure on Cuba, using the oil supply to achieve the island\u2019s alignment with Moscow. Going back to the background of that situation, he would share with the Central Committee (CC), for the first time, the secrets of the \u201cOctober Crisis.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"wp-embedded-content\" data-secret=\"TOArAwLKLp\"><p><a href=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/opinion\/columnas\/con-todas-sus-letras\/60-anos-no-es-nada-i\/\">60 a\u00f1os no es nada (I)<\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-embedded-content\" sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" style=\"position: absolute; clip: rect(1px, 1px, 1px, 1px);\" title=\"\u00ab60 a\u00f1os no es nada (I)\u00bb \u2014 OnCubaNews\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/opinion\/columnas\/con-todas-sus-letras\/60-anos-no-es-nada-i\/embed\/#?secret=7YeuGnoG3a#?secret=TOArAwLKLp\" data-secret=\"TOArAwLKLp\" width=\"500\" height=\"282\" frameborder=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0\" marginheight=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Relations with the USSR had left a mark on the difficult process of Cuban political unity. Before the missiles, the pro-Soviet current originating from the People\u2019s Socialist Party (PSP) had provoked the crisis of the Integrated Revolutionary Organizations (ORI), just a few months after its constitution in the summer of 1961. The 1962 political current called <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">sectarianism<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> would reemerge in 1967, with the name of <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">microfraction<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. This time, it would do so with a connotation of national security: his direct link with the Soviet embassy and with others from the socialist camp in Havana.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the same meeting of the CC, Ra\u00fal Castro would read the detailed report on \u201cla Micro,\u201d as the Cubans <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/punto-final.org\/PDFs\/1968\/PF_048_doc2.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">have named that current since then<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. According to An\u00edbal Escalante and his group, the government was taken over by \u201ca strong anti-Soviet current\u201d that represented \u201cthe petty bourgeoisie\u201d bent on \u201cmoving trade to the capitalist areas\u201d and making \u201cCuba go back to the system that had been swept away in January 1959.\u201d And he postulated \u201cthat the USSR is the country that should lead the hegemony\u201d in the world socialist movement.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In addition to a \u201ccurrent of ideological opposition to the Party line,\u201d they were engaged in \u201cconspiratorial activities,\u201d consisting of \u201capproaching Soviet, German and Czechoslovakian officials and citizens,\u201d \u201cgovernment representatives,\u201d \u201cjournalists close to the CC of the CPSU ,\u201d \u201cMININT advisers,\u201d \u201cin order to convey their points of view and create a state of opinion in the leadership of these parties,\u201d to promote \u201cpolitical and economic pressure by the Soviet Union that would force the revolution to approach that country.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In his meetings with \u201cla Micro,\u201d Rudolf Petrovich Ajliapnikov, Chief of the KGB advisers in the Ministry of the Interior (MININT), had affirmed that \u201cin Cuba the conditions were created for another Hungary to take place.\u201d And that \u201cthe petty bourgeoisie was even inside State Security.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As curious data, the petty bourgeois of reference were, none else than Che Guevara, Hayd\u00e9e Santamar\u00eda, Ra\u00fal Roa, Alfredo Guevara, Celia S\u00e1nchez, Armando Hart, Faure Chom\u00f3n. On the other hand, among the 43 defendants in the \u201cMicro\u201d process, were Ricardo Bofill, and others from the Socialist Youth and Cuban <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maoism<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, who would later become dissident militants.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As An\u00edbal would acknowledge in his <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">mea culpa<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> before the PCC leadership: \u201cThe key to most of the group\u2019s \u2018displeasures\u2019 lies in the \u2018international question.\u2019\u201d Specifically: in the role of the USSR and the role of Cuba. That dichotomy had become very evident just two years before \u201cla Micro\u201d broke out, when the Tricontinental Conference was held in Havana.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure style=\"width: 769px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/WhatsApp-Image-2022-03-02-at-12.25.42.jpeg\" alt=\"The iconography of the Tricontinental was different from the one that presided over the PCC events.\" width=\"769\" height=\"1080\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The iconography of the Tricontinental was different from the one that presided over the PCC events.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">According to the declassified archives of the OSPAAAL, the Cuban delegation considered that the USSR and China had turned the movement into an \u201carena of confrontation.\u201d<\/span><b>1<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> For example, the United Arab Republic (Egypt), under Nasser, was aligned with the USSR, in the same way as Guinea; meanwhile, Pakistan, North Korea and Indonesia did so with China. Although the governments of the USSR and China were not part of the solidarity organization of Asia and Africa, their \u201cnon-governmental organizations\u201d were, so they were the two largest delegations, and those that had the means of their governments to attract followers.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure style=\"width: 1080px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/WhatsApp-Image-2022-03-02-at-11.04.52.jpeg\" alt=\"Tricontinental Conference, January 1966. Photo: OSPAAAL Archive.\u00a0\" width=\"1080\" height=\"654\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tricontinental Conference, January 1966. Photo: OSPAAAL Archive.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<figure style=\"width: 1080px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/WhatsApp-Image-2022-03-02-at-11.05.03.jpeg\" alt=\"Tricontinental Conference, January 1966. Photo: OSPAAAL Archive.\u00a0\" width=\"1080\" height=\"714\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tricontinental Conference, January 1966. Photo: OSPAAAL Archive.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Among the States and liberation movements opposed to Soviet and Chinese hegemonism, there were, in addition to Cuba, Vietnam, Laos, Algeria, the fronts of South Vietnam, South Yemen, Palestine, Mozambique, Guatemala, South Africa, which were fighting at the time. Likewise, the Latin American and Caribbean delegations that did not advocate armed struggle, such as those headed by the socialists Salvador Allende (Chile), Heberto Castillo (Mexico), John William Cooke (Argentina), Cheddi Jagan (Guyana), and those from Uruguay, Costa Rica, Honduras or Haiti.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Some pro-Soviet saw the Cuban position against the USSR as a factor of division. According to declassified documents from the archives of the East German Statsi, the Cubans \u201cadopted an attitude of superiority towards the other delegates and even disagreed with the USSR, and intrigued against the representatives of the Latin American communist parties, as well as avoiding the presence of the USSR in the speeches and the drafting of documents.\u201d<\/span><b>2<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This Cuban-Soviet relationship was crossed by elements that made it more complex, especially military cooperation. In the same Ra\u00fal Report on \u201cla Micro,\u201d he recognized that \u201cadvisors, specialists and technicians of all kinds have worked with us in the armed forces, thousands of Soviet officers and there is not really a single complaint to give about them.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<figure style=\"width: 807px\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/03\/WhatsApp-Image-2022-03-02-at-11.06.54.jpeg\" alt=\"Ra\u00fal Castro and Army General Issa Pliyev, head of the Soviet troops in Cuba, 1962.-\" width=\"807\" height=\"683\" \/><figcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ra\u00fal Castro and Army General Issa Pliyev, head of the Soviet troops in Cuba, 1962.-<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That cooperation also had strategic significance for the USSR. Barely two years after the Crisis, the Soviet radio-electronic monitoring station had been set up in Cuba, where the University of Computer Sciences (UCI) is now located. Intelligence experts have estimated that this station could collect three-quarters of the information Soviet intelligence collected each year. Cuba benefited from that strategic information, exposed as it was to U.S. hostility. Without the need for that cooperation, the Cuban reaction to the invasion of Czechoslovakia on August 23, 1968 cannot neither be understood.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Among the most cited and least read speeches by Fidel Castro is the one dedicated to that event. Many remember the part where he justifies the intervention for a realpolitik reason: the preservation of the socialist camp\u2019s integrity. They forget, however, the criticisms that characterize the rest of the speech, both directed at Moscow and at Prague.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The first of these criticisms is that the intervention can only be explained from a political point of view, not a legal one. \u201cNone has signs of legality.\u201d There has been \u201ca flagrant violation of the sovereignty of the Czechoslovakian state.\u201d He only recognizes the Warsaw Pact countries \u201cthe right to prevent a socialist country from falling apart and falling into the arms of imperialism.\u201d Nowhere does he describe it as an expression of internationalism or anything of the sort.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The second brings together a set of substantive political objections to the \u201cpopular democracies\u201d of Eastern Europe. He says that \u201cthe youth in Eastern Europe are not educated in the ideals of communism and internationalism\u201d; that they suffer from a condition of \u201cignorance about the problems of the underdeveloped world\u201d; as well as \u201cdogmatism,\u201d \u201cbureaucratism,\u201d and not being \u201ctruly revolutionary.\u201d Finally, he describes his relationship with Moscow as \u201cunconditionality,\u201d \u201csatelliteism,\u201d \u201clackeyism.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The harshest of all the criticisms is directed at the inconsistency of the USSR in the face of U.S. aggression against Vietnam and Cuba: \u201cWill the divisions of the Warsaw Pact also be sent to Vietnam if the Yankee imperialists increase their aggression against that country and the people of Vietnam request that help? Will Warsaw Pact divisions be sent to Cuba if the Yankee imperialists attack our country, or even, in the face of the threat of an attack by the Yankee imperialists on our country, if our country requests it?\u201d<\/span><b>3<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When Warsaw Pact troops entered Prague, a change of administration in the United States was three months away, and a hawk like Nixon was likely to win the next election. If a former member of the administration that spawned the Bay of Pigs invasion reached the White House, would it not occur to him to return Moscow\u2019s intervention in Czechoslovakia with a blow to its ally in the Caribbean? At the height of the U.S. aggression in Vietnam, USSR military supplies to Cuba were crucial.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On the other hand, Moscow was also concerned about maintaining access to the \u201cCuban hill\u201d on the very southern U.S. border. According to declassified Soviet documents, Brezhnev himself appealed to Fidel to discuss their differences, following the \u201crules of relations between socialist parties and communist parties\u201d (April 1967). The USSR came to fear that the increase in Cuban relations with the West, in particular with France, could alienate Cuba, and make it seek another partner. In this way, he offered him new credits and agreed to the nonfulfillment of the commitment to deliver sugar in 1968.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">These are not precisely reciprocities for having justified the invasion of Czechoslovakia, because according to professor and former diplomat Juan S\u00e1nchez, \u201ca part of the Soviet leadership [criticized the Cuban position] for ignoring the right of the USSR to maintain what was conquered in World War II.\u201d<\/span><b>4<\/b><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A quarter of a century later, the end of the USSR and the abrupt cut in economic and military relations \u2014 including the withdrawal of the radio-electronic station \u2014 contributed to the crisis called the \u201cSpecial Period.\u201d Since then, the differences between relations with the USSR and with Russia are so many that it is not worth listing them. However, all of the above is still inscribed as a fundamental reference in Cuban foreign policy.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Those who find \u201cirony\u201d in the current Cuban position on the <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/tag\/guerra-en-ucrania\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Russian-Ukrainian conflict<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> could take responsibility for this story. Those who affirm that we are continuity, too. If this policy has principles, it is not because it is tied to a doctrine, to a set of apothegms, but rather to practices dictated by a specific historical and geopolitical situation: to integrate a community of nations that refused to align themselves with great powers, be they capitalists or socialists, and that at the same time, they require alliances that compensate for the fatality of the space that they were assigned, in the face of the hostility of their main neighbor. For example, Vietnam.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In this series, I have tried to show that, for Cuba, the October Crisis is not a simple episode of the Cold War, but a key in the architecture of its foreign policy. Having refused the inspection of its territory when the missiles were withdrawn, after a negotiation in which it did not participate, as well as the continuation of low-flying flights over its territory, were not rhetorical gestures or outbursts of wounded pride, but practices of sovereignty, which did more in favor of the application of international law and stable peace than most treaties.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This story not only shows that being in the geopolitical space of a power, in its \u201csphere of influence,\u201d does not entail assuming submission to its dictates. It also documents that Cuba did not seek to wage war against the United States, nor did it ever join an enemy military bloc, nor did it align itself in favor of nuclear proliferation in the region. The history of the \u201cMissile Crisis\u201d shows under what exceptional conditions of imminent threat the country accepted the placement of the missiles.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Teaching classes, I have verified that my students from the U.S. \u2014 including Cuban-Americans \u2014 have learned that the geopolitical conflict dates from Castroism (and anti-Castroism), rather than from the founders of independence. They have also acquired the notion that Cuba was an unconditional ally of the USSR and aligned itself with the Warsaw Pact. Interpretations such as these judge as \u201cambiguous\u201d a policy that characterizes the current Russian intervention in Ukraine as \u201cthe use of force and non-observance of legal principles and international norms that Cuba subscribes to,\u201d and that reaffirms its opposition \u201cto the use or threat of force against any state.\u201d According to these interpretations of what Cuban policy should be, a \u201cclear\u201d position would be to defend Ukraine\u2019s right to join NATO militarily, and its far-right government. Failure to do so is equivalent to denying the concept of self-determination attributed to Cuba.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">From this flat interpretation of the history of relations with the USSR-Russia-Ukraine-etc., metaphors emerge, such as \u201cUkraine challenges Russia with the same spirit as Cuba challenges the United States.\u201d Or that \u201cthe invasion of Russia will be like the U.S. invasion of Vietnam and Iraq.\u201d Such comparisons assume that not joining the anti-Russian bloc is equivalent to isolation, as if China, India, Vietnam, Iran, South Africa, had not done the same, and did not appreciate self-determination. And it takes for granted that this Cuban position will have repercussions in relations with its main interlocutors and allies in Africa and Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean. Finally, it argues that this position will give rise to the continuation of the blockade; or even to a U.S. intervention on the island.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">History shows, however, that the end of the USSR and the deployment of Cuban troops in Africa, more than 30 years ago, did not move the relations of the \u201cNorth\u201d with the island one millimeter. It also records that when Che, three months after the Bay of Pigs, proposed to Richard Goodwin, JFK adviser, a dialogue on \u201cCuba\u2019s foreign relations\u201d (with the USSR), the response was to tighten the screws on the Revolution. On the other hand, progress in bilateral relations, under Carter and Obama, has occurred precisely when the island has been less alone or distanced from allies such as the USSR or Russia or China.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the end, U.S. policy has helped bring its two main Cold War rivals together; and has made it easier for Cuba to strengthen its relations with both at the same time as never before in 60 years. We will see how much this landscape changes, when the smoke of war dissipates.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>Notes<\/b><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">:<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">OSPAAAL. Historical archive. <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">An\u00e1lisis general de la Conferencia Tricontinental<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. January 1966. Drawer No. 1, Archive 1.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">GDR archives. Folder: SAPMO-BArch DY30\/J IV 2\/2\/1045 Protokoll Nr. 6\/66 (Einsch\u00e4tzung Politb\u00fcros ZK SED Drei-Kontinente Konferenz 310) January 1966.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Fidel Castro, <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">An\u00e1lisis de los acontecimientos de Checoslovaquia<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, Havana, Ediciones COR, No. 16, August 23, 1968.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Juan S\u00e1nchez, \u201cLas relaciones cubano-sovi\u00e9ticas en 1968 vistas desde Cuba,\u201d <\/span><a href=\"http:\/\/temas.cult.cu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/07\/Revista953.05-MB.pdf.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Temas<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> magazine<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, 95-96, 2018.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Being in the geopolitical space of a power, in its \u201csphere of influence,\u201d does not entail assuming submission to its dictates.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3343,"featured_media":250011,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[13902],"tags":[18919],"ppma_author":[34051],"class_list":["post-250009","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-cuba","tag-cuban-government-politics"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.3 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>60 years is nothing (IV) | OnCubaNews English<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Cuba. 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