{"id":299752,"date":"2024-04-11T13:03:12","date_gmt":"2024-04-11T17:03:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/?p=299752"},"modified":"2024-04-11T13:12:13","modified_gmt":"2024-04-11T17:12:13","slug":"loyal-opposition-politics-in-cuba","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/loyal-opposition-politics-in-cuba\/","title":{"rendered":"Loyal opposition?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ten years ago, <\/span>a young Journalism graduate<\/span><\/a> submitted this question, along with an extensive questionnaire, to a group of political leaders, academicians, magazine editors, intellectuals, People\u2019s Power representatives, and published their answers in a symposium titled \u201cDoing socialist politics.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Days before the magazine was launched with the symposium, <\/span>an independent media<\/span><\/a> anticipated it in its peculiar informative style: \u201ca chronicle [sic] on how to do politics in a country where there are no parties and where the scarce citizen participation is limited to inconsequential topics is especially striking.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Since this medium never reviewed the content of that symposium, which it crucified beforehand, and above all since those answers are still worthwhile ten years later, I would like to evoke some of them, and comment on them in passing.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cDissent is not only legitimate, but necessary,\u201d declared a cultural leader and deputy. She added, however, that \u201cin our conditions the \u2018loyal opposition\u2019 seems like an antinomy to me. Because the opposition is truly so if it shows a certain level of organization, if it constitutes an alternative to the established powers.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

She reasoned then that if, for example, a revolutionary opposed the existence of small private enterprises, arguing that changes in ownership \u201cexpand the asymmetry in the relations between employees and employers,\u201d he was not really \u201can opponent, but only from someone who disagrees.\u201d In other words, this difference was just a minor disagreement, which did not contradict \u201cthe essence of the socialist project.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Viewed as a political platform that is organically demarcated, and that challenges the hegemony of an established power to the point of representing an \u201calternative,\u201d that is, another different power and another path, the loyal opposition was not very different from the opposition per se.<\/span><\/p>\n

That difference was established by a youth leader, when she said that \u201cin Cuba we still do not know of that [loyal] opposition, because the people financed by a foreign government to overthrow the Revolution\u201d were not.<\/span><\/p>\n

Marking that qualitative distinction, however, she \u201cdid not rule out any formula for more socialism,\u201d admitting that it could exist, as part of \u201cthe dialectic of the process for the perfection of the system.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

The other interviewees approached the question by beginning to discern what the loyal opposition <\/span>was not<\/span><\/i>.<\/span><\/p>\n

A popular educator drew that line in the \u201cpoints [that] do not enter into negotiation\u201d between an opposition with \u201cantagonistic visions and agendas,\u201d and one based on \u201creconcilable differences, with common goals.\u201d Around these differences in means, reconcilable, but different, he located the \u201cloyal opposition.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cAn opposition that allies itself with foreign powers harmful to national interests, with organic links with national and foreign entities in charge of promoting subversion, that does not take care of the country\u2019s sovereignty or social harmony would not be loyal,\u201d postulated the editor of a catholic magazine.<\/span><\/p>\n

Along the same lines, a jurist and university professor established as a condition of the \u201cloyal opposition\u201d compliance with \u201cthe law of all, that it does not attempt through intolerance to demand tolerance from the State, that it does not use flags of exclusive and inhumane ideologies, that it respect public order and the regulations that we have given ourselves in democracy.\u201d In contrast, this characterization to some extent portrayed the opposition per se.<\/span><\/p>\n

All respondents identified dissent as a necessity of socialism.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cWithout dissent there is no democracy, without democracy there is no socialism,\u201d stated the popular educator. \u201cI believe in the legitimacy of opinion trends, in the diversity of alternatives to choose the path towards a previously agreed upon goal,\u201d the deputy stated. \u201cA dissent among revolutionaries is very necessary as a basis for development. In Cuba it seems that there never was one, which is not true,\u201d pointed out the youth leader.<\/span><\/p>\n

Among those interviewed, the editor of the Catholic magazine, a jurist himself, was the one who explicitly advocated for a \u201cloyal opposition\u201d capable of \u201cgrouping together and constituting their particular political machines, to work in favor of achieving their agendas.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

What made it loyal, according to him, even in a multi-party order, were its particular political limits, to \u201cimprove the system established by consensus and not to liquidate it, which in the case of Cuba is defined as socialist.\u201d As long as society ratifies \u201cits preference for the socialist option and defines what socialism it wishes to build\u201d in a democratic manner, it was implied that \u201cthose who have other ideological preferences accept it with humility, without ceasing to contribute their criteria and projects, although made available for the interests of the people. This way we could enjoy a socialism that integrates ideological diversity.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

For the academic jurist, things were less simple, since dissent had many faces: \u201cin politics there are those who dissent from their loyalty to national history, to the symbols of nationality, to simple people, to the values of culture, to a specific political group, to an idea of the country, and whoever feels loyal only to their project.\u201d From that approach, loyalty was possible in a context of dissent as \u201cloyalty to the rule of law.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

As expected, the question of \u201cloyalty-to-what\u201d was at the center of these various approaches.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cIt can be understood as loyalty to the power structures, to the institutions and to those who head them,\u201d commented the popular educator. However, fundamental loyalty, for him, referred to \u201cthe principles of social equity, personal and national dignity, sovereignty, socialization of power, the economy and happiness; loyalty to the power of the people.\u201d Loyalty to the institutions (\u201cpolitical forms\u201d) was only valid as long as they \u201cenforced those principles.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Finally, the person who adopted the concept of \u201cloyal opposition\u201d in the most determined and unconditional way was a constituency delegate from a poor neighborhood in Havana.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cWe have to give possibilities to that type of [loyal] opposition; those who do not agree with things done poorly and who can propose how to resolve them…. There has to be a counterpart. If it is in good faith, opposing things that do not work helps improve the socialist system. Today it is more common to see people who do not agree with a proposal, a report, a distribution, a piece of legislation. Sometimes we criticize those who tell the truth, and we consider that they have political problems, but what these people want is to see results. We cannot continue \u2018understanding everything\u2019<\/span>\u02d0<\/span> solutions have to appear.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Up to this point it is evident that what is significant about the \u201cloyal opposition\u201d is not the little word, but the problems it raises, especially around the structure of consensus, participation, socialist democracy and the construction of alternatives, in the midst of a complex transition towards a new social and economic order, which also requires a different political process.<\/span><\/p>\n

If someone thinks that this concept is inseparable from \u201cbourgeois multipartyism,\u201d and has nothing to do with the history of socialist struggles, I suggest reviewing the practice of the Bolsheviks in their initial years, before Stalinism. In particular, the rules of internal democracy and access to the Party press, from before 1917, and until 1921.<\/span><\/p>\n

In the internal spaces of that party, currents such as the Workers\u2019 Opposition and the Democratic Centralists played a main role in denouncing bureaucratization and the strengthening of ties with the workers, even when in those circumstances of external and internal harassment by a powerful counterrevolution, the failure of the other European revolutions and <\/span>the adoption of the dictatorship of the proletariat, were prohibited<\/span><\/a>. And we already know what happened just three years later, with the death of Lenin and the rise of Stalin, with Bolshevik democracy.<\/span><\/p>\n

Finally, it would be worth looking more closely at the history of the Cuban Revolution itself.<\/span><\/p>\n

To what extent were the differences between organizations form part of our own historical socialist experience? Parties with very different ideological origins, which allied themselves around a revolutionary platform and an agenda of radical reforms, maintained as an alliance during the most turbulent two years and seven months of the Revolution, thanks to the unitary sense of their leadership, and the role that Fidel Castro had in their strategic coupling.<\/span><\/p>\n

Although there were not insignificant differences and knots of opposition between them, these organizations were able to coordinately confront the defense of the Revolution in the face of the greatest escalation of aggression that the United States was capable of.<\/span><\/p>\n

It would be difficult to exaggerate the weight that the total war unleashed on the young Revolution by its enemies had to accelerate and deepen the process of radicalization and, very particularly, to put the internal unity of each organization under tension and force the fusion of all of them into one. single bloc. The history of the 1960s cannot be reconstructed or understood if we ignore the differences that existed within that bloc, before and after adopting the name of the Communist Party of Cuba, nor without appreciating the key role of Fidel as an arbiter of those discrepancies. Nor without noticing how these circumstances determined the centralization and verticality of the Party, despite the recurring calls to remain linked to the interests and desires of the people, and to prick up one\u2019s ear to the what was happening.<\/span><\/p>\n

These are all the more reasons, one might say, to defend that unity, not only political, but also organic, that managed to be maintained despite the everything, because it responded to a greater cause: the defense of national sovereignty that was threatened, and never sufficiently forever guaranteed, assured, sealed.<\/span><\/p>\n

Of course, it is not about throwing overboard that unity or anything that has been achieved, much less the defense of national sovereignty; but to appreciate it in the midst of its serious current tensions, to think about it politically in the context of a society that is not that of the 1960s or 1980s, nor does it have the more homogeneous consensus that that leadership aroused.<\/span><\/p>\n

If in today\u2019s world the challenges of social exclusion and abuses of power cause the discredit of party systems and established institutions, it is not because democracy lacks meaning. If the \u201ceconomic battle\u201d is represented as crucial in the midst of the crisis we are suffering here and now, it is not because it can be fought without resorting to bold and heterodox policies, like those of the founding fathers.<\/span><\/p>\n

In any case, unlike electricity or soybean oil, tourism or foreign exchange, the generation of participation and the production of a sense of belonging, the promotion of a climate of freedom that takes advantage of talent and creativity, are not hindered by the blockade nor do they depend on choosing a good neighbor on the other shore.<\/span><\/p>\n

If the cause lay in the Soviet model or the cultural war, it would come from somewhere else. Instead, to paraphrase the Phantom of the Opera, it is rather here, \u201cinside our minds.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The promotion of a climate of freedom that takes advantage of talent and creativity is not hindered by the blockade nor does it depend on choosing a good neighbor on the other shore.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3343,"featured_media":299755,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[14135],"tags":[8863,19256],"ppma_author":[34051],"class_list":["post-299752","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","tag-cuban-society","tag-featured"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nLoyal opposition? | OnCubaNews English<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"The promotion of a climate of freedom that takes advantage of talent and creativity is not hindered by the blockade.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/oncubanews.com\/en\/opinion\/loyal-opposition-politics-in-cuba\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Loyal opposition? 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